Progressive Calendar 12.30.09
From: David Shove (shove001tc.umn.edu)
Date: Wed, 30 Dec 2009 01:25:34 -0800 (PST)
           P R O G R E S S I V E   C A L E N D A R   12.30.09

1. Alliant vigil       12.30 7am
2. Media mess          12.30 11am
3. Gaza freedom march  12.30 11:30am

4. Eagan peace vigil   12.31 4:30pm
5. Northtown vigil     12.31 5pm
6. Blue moon loons     12.31 5:30pm
7. Edgertonites tonite 12.31 6pm

8. Glen Ford - "Progressives For Obama" drop "Obama" [like, who's that?]
9. Mark Rudd - What it takes to build a movement - dedicated organizers!
10. Shamus Cooke - After the economic crisis, the political crisis
11. ed       - Pledge 2012 No vote for Obama/12.30.09

--------1 of 11--------

From: AlliantACTION <alliantaction [at] circlevision.org>
Subject: Alliant vigil 12.30 7am

Join us Wednesday morning, 7-8 am
Now in our 14th year of consecutive Wednesday
morning vigils outside Alliant Techsystems,
7480 Flying Cloud Drive Eden Prairie.
We ask Who Profit$? Who Dies?
directions and lots of info: alliantACTION.org


--------2 of 11--------

From: Andy Driscoll <andy [at] driscollgroup.com>
Subject: Media mess 12.30 11am

Media Mess: Censored Stories/Whither Broadband?
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 30 - 11:00AM
KFAI - 90.3FM-Minneapolis/106.7FM Saint Paul and STREAMING at KFAI.org

Year-end recaps are de rigueur and we're no exception. This week, we
present a pot pourri of topics - mostly on the status of our ever-
shifting media landscape around here and elsewhere.

A year - a decade - of stories censored by mainstream media, a battle
between consumers and providers of cable, television and broadband
Internet services (who's in charge here?); a merger that could add to
the glut of vertical ownership of media carriers and content
producers, plus highlights of 2009's major stories will be dissected
by some local and national observers of the passing scene. Whither go
the big guys around here? Newspapers, broadcast, cable and online
journalism continue to collide over costs and consumers.

TTT's ANDY DRISCOLL talks with this week's guests from Washington,
California, and Eden Prairie - not to mention good old Minneapolis/St.
Paul.

 CRAIG AARON - Senior Program Director, FreePress.net
 PETER PHILLIPS - Professor of Media Sociology, Sonoma State University,
CA; President,Media Freedom Foundation; Former Director, Project Censored
 LAURA WATERMAN WITTSTOCK - author; co-host, First Nations Radio, Sundays
on KFAI; Contributing Blogger, Star Tribune's "Your Voices";  former
Executive Director, MIGIZICommunication, Mpls; CEO, Wittstock & Associates
Consulting
 JIM LEINFELDER - Free-lance network news (ABC/CNN/NBC) producer, Twin
Cities
 ANN ALQUIST - Community Outreach Director, Twin City Media Alliance,
parent of Twin Cities Daily Planet


--------3 of 11--------

From: Women Against Military Madness <wamm [at] mtn.org>
Subject: Gaza freedom march 12.30 11:30am

Gaza Freedom March

Wednesday, December 30, 11:30 a.m. Hennepin County Government Center, 300
South Sixth Street, Minneapolis. Join others in a march through the
skyways of downtown Minneapolis to mark the anniversary of the attack on
civilians in the Gaza strip. One year later, the Gaza Freedom March is
about recognizing that the crisis remains the same. Sponsored by: the
Palestinian Rights Coalition. The WAMM Middle East Committee is a member
of the Palestinian Rights Coalition.


--------4 of 11--------

From: Greg and Sue Skog <family4peace [at] msn.com>
Subject: Eagan peace vigil 12.31 4:30pm

PEACE VIGIL EVERY THURSDAY from 4:30-5:30pm on the Northwest corner of
Pilot Knob Road and Yankee Doodle Road in Eagan. We have signs and
candles. Say "NO to war!" The weekly vigil is sponsored by: Friends south
of the river speaking out against war.


--------5 of 11--------

From: EKalamboki [at] aol.com
Subject: Northtown vigil 12.31 5pm

NORTHTOWN Peace Vigil every Thursday 5-6pm, at the intersection of Co. Hwy
10 and University Ave NE (SE corner across from Denny's), in Blaine.

Communities situated near the Northtown Mall include: Blaine, Mounds View,
New Brighton, Roseville, Shoreview, Arden Hills, Spring Lake Park,
Fridley, and Coon Rapids.  We'll have extra signs.

For more information people can contact Evangelos Kalambokidis by phone or
email: (763)574-9615, ekalamboki [at] aol.com.


--------6 of 11--------

From: Sue Ann <seasnun [at] gmail.com>
Subject: Blue moon loons 12.31 5:30pm

Blue Moon-New Year's Eve at Coldwater Spring
Thursday, December 31, 2009
5:30 PM Gather (Dress for outdoors)
6-7 PM Toasts with Sacred Spring Water
     focusing on Community Goals & Intentions for 2010
Traditional group howl!
Bring a chair (optional).
Please, no alcohol.
Info: www.friendsofcoldwater.org

Directions: Coldwater is south of Minnehaha Park, in Minneapolis. From Hwy
55/Hiawatha, turn East (toward the Mississippi) at 54th Street, take an
immediate right, & drive South on the frontage road for -mile past the
parking meters, through the cul-de-sac & the gates, & past the abandoned
buildings. Follow the curvy road left & then right down to the pond, next to
the great willow tree.


--------7 of 11--------

From: jwilson [at] enp-news.org
Subject: Edgertonites tonite 12.31 6pm

The next meeting of the Edgertonite National Party will be held 6:00 to
7:30 PM on 31 December 2009 at the Bad Waitress, 2 E. 26th St.,
Minneapolis, MN, on Metro Transit Route 18. The Bad Waitress has food and
prices similar to a Denny's or Perkins. You order by filling out a form
and paying the cashier; the food is brought out to you. Celebrate New
Year's Eve the ENP way, with a meeting! This is the January 2010 meeting,
next one will be Wednesday, 3 February 2010. The agenda is currently open.

Sincerely, John Charles Wilson National Chairman, ENP


--------8 of 11--------

"Progressives For Obama" Change Name To Omit Their President
By Glen Ford
Created 12/15/2009 - 17:56
A Black Agenda Radio commentary by Glen Ford

It has taken almost a year for "Progressives for Obama" to make a partial
break with their former object of adulation, proof that groupie-love is a
powerful emotion.

The organization formerly known as "Progressives for Obama" has changed
its name. After almost a year of President Obama's massive transfers of
the people's wealth to Wall Street, his escalation of U.S. wars in South
Asia, his shameless alliance with insurance and drug corporations, and his
callous disregard for Depression-level Black unemployment, even the
president's most loyal sycophants on the Left are running for cover. It's
not a pretty sight.

"Progressives for Obama" are now calling themselves "Progressive America
Rising [2]". Two of the founding members, Bill Fletcher and Tom Hayden,
are making uncharacteristically loud anti-Obama noises and acting as if
they played no role in convincing Obama that he could make war and serve
corporate interests to his heart's content, without fear of any trouble
from the Left. They had his back.

The left-wing Obamites were the nastiest of all. They viciously libeled
anyone that advanced a Left critique of their hero, calling them enemies
of a new "people's movement," when in fact it was they who were shutting
the movement down in favor of a fan club and cheering section for Obama.
Amiri Baraka spit poison at all who failed to pledge allegiance to the
Great Obama, calling us infantile ultra-leftists and just plain "rascals".

Bill Fletcher and Tom Hayden stuck with Obama like little sorcerer's
apprentices as the president methodically savaged virtually every item on
the progressive agenda. What else could they do? To break with Obama would
amount to an admission that they were wrong about the progressive
"potential" of their candidate; that he had always been a thoroughly
corporate politician who would lurch to the Right as soon as he took
office; and that, by failing to criticize Obama early in the campaign,
they were guaranteeing that he would disrespect and ignore Blacks and
progressives, once in office.

Tom Hayden now declares it's finally "time to strip the Obama sticker" off
his car. Well, whoopee. Back in the day, Hayden would have been expected
to engage in some serious self-criticism for misleading so many people
about Obama. The same goes for Bill Fletcher, who appeared on a Pacifica
radio show [3] last week sounding like he'd never been an Obama fan.
Fletcher said it was inappropriate for the Nobel committee to award Obama
the Peace Prize when the president had done nothing to cause a
"fundamental shift" in U.S. foreign policy. You can't influence a
president of the United States to do the right thing, Fletcher said, by
giving him awards in hopes that he will earn them. But that's exactly what
Fletcher and his fellow Obama fanatics tried to pull off when they
endorsed candidate Obama on a wish and a prayer when there was no reason
to believe he would undertake any "fundamental shift" in U.S. foreign or
domestic policy. As a result, the Left played no role whatsoever in the
2008 election. They just blew kisses at Obama, hoping he'd kiss them back
after the inauguration.

Fletcher and Hayden now say it's time to crank up the people's Movement
machine and get back to the business of speaking Truth to Power. Which is
all perfectly true. However, Tom Hayden and Bill Fletcher and the rest of
the "Progressives for Obama" clique should first demonstrate that they
have recovered their faculties before assuming any leadership role in a
revived Movement. The last time they were near a Movement, they shut it
down, and went to the Obama party, instead.

For Black Agenda Radio, I'm Glen Ford. On the web, go to
www.BlackAgendaReport.com [4]. BAR executive editor Glen Ford can be
contacted at Glen.Ford [at] BlackAgendaReport.com.

[I gave up on Tom Hayden several years ago. He will now try to
reconstitute his credentials - so that in a few years he can again
persuade a gaggle of gullible Dem geese to waddle and honk for the latest
model corporate-hawk Dem. Put Hayden out to pasture.  -ed]


--------9 of 11--------

When Spontaneity Fails ...
What It Takes to Build a Movement
By MARK RUDD
CounterPunch
December 25-27, 2009

Since the summer of 2003, I've crisscrossed the country speaking at
colleges and theaters and bookstores, first with The Weather Underground
documentary and, starting in March of this year, with my book,
Underground:  My Life with SDS and the Weathermen (William Morrow, 2009).
In discussions with young people, they often tell me, "Nothing anyone does
can ever make a difference".

The words still sound strange: it's a phrase I never once heard forty
years ago, a sentiment obviously false on its surface.  Growing up in the
Fifties and Sixties, I - and the rest of the country - knew about the
civil rights movement in the South, and what was most evident was that
individuals, joining with others, actually were making a difference. The
labor movement of the Thirties to the Sixties had improved the lives of
millions; the anti-war movement had brought down a sitting president -
LBJ, March 1968 - and was actively engaged in stopping the Vietnam War. In
the forty years since, the women's movement, gay rights, disability
rights, animal rights, and environmental movements have all registered
enormous social and political gains. To old new lefties, such as myself,
this is all self-evident.

So, why the defeatism? In the absence of knowledge of how these historical
movements were built, young people assume that they arose spontaneously,
or, perhaps, charismatic leaders suddenly called them into existence. On
the third Monday of every January we celebrate Martin Luther King Jr.
having had a dream; knowledge of the movement itself is lost.

The current anti-war movement's weakness, however, is very much alive in
young people's experience. They cite the fact that millions turned out in
the streets in the early spring of 2003 to oppose the pending U.S. attack
on Iraq, but that these demonstrations had no effect. "We demonstrated,
and they didn't listen to us". Even the activists among them became
demoralized as numbers at demonstrations dropped off very quickly, street
demonstrations becoming cliches, and, despite a big shift in public
opinion in 2006, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan droned on to today. The
very success of the spontaneous early mobilization seems to have
contributed to the anti-war movement's long-term weakness.

Something's missing. I first got an insight into articulating what it is
when I picked up Letters from Young Activists: Today's Rebels Speak Out,
edited by Dan Berger, Chesa Boudin and Kenyon Farrow (Nation Books, 2005).
Andy Cornell, in a letter to the movement that first radicalized him,
"Dear Punk Rock Activism," criticizes the conflation of the terms
"activism" and "organizing". He writes, "activists are individuals who
dedicate their time and energy to various efforts they hope will
contribute to social, political, or economic change. Organizers are
activists who, in addition to their own participation, work to move other
people to take action and help them develop skills, political analysis and
confidence within the context of organizations. Organizing is a process -
creating long-term campaigns that mobilize a certain constituency to press
for specific demands from a particular target, using a defined strategy
and escalating tactics". In other words, it's not enough for punks to
continually express their contempt for mainstream values through their
alternate identity; they've got to move toward "organizing masses of
people".

Aha!  Activism = self-expression; organizing = movement-building.

Until recently, I'd rarely heard young people call themselves
"organizers". The common term for years has been "activists". Organizing
was reduced to the behind the scenes nuts-and-bolts work needed to pull
off a specific event, such as a concert or demonstration. But forty years
ago, we only used the word "activist" to mock our enemies' view of us, as
when a university administrator or newspaper editorial writer would call
us "mindless activists". We were organizers, our work was building a mass
movement, and that took constant discussion of goals, strategy and tactics
(and, later, contributing to our downfall ideology).

Thinking back over my own experience, I realized that I had inherited this
organizer's identity from the red diaper babies I fell in with at the
Columbia chapter of Students for a Democratic Society, SDS. Raised by
parents in the labor and civil rights and communist or socialist
movements, they had naturally learned the organizing method as other kids
learned how to throw footballs or bake pineapple upside-down cakes. "Build
the base!" was the constant strategy of Columbia SDS for years.

Yet, young activists I met were surprised to learn that major events, such
as the Columbia rebellion of April 1968, did not happen spontaneously,
that they took years of prior education, relationship building,
reconsideration on the part of individuals of their role in the
institution. I.e., organizing. It seemed to me that they believed that
movements happen as a sort of dramatic or spectator sport: after a small
group of people express themselves, large numbers of bystanders see the
truth in what they're saying and join in. The mass anti-war mobilization
of the Spring 2003, which failed to stop the war, was the only model they
knew.

I began looking for a literature that would show how successful historical
movements were built. Not the outcomes or triumphs, such as the great
civil rights March on Washington in 1963, but the many streams that
eventually created the floods. I wanted to know who said what to whom and
how did they respond. One book was recommended to me repeatedly by
friends, I've Got the Light of Freedom: the Organizing Tradition and the
Mississippi Freedom Struggle by Charles M. Payne (University of California
Press, 1995). Payne, an African-American sociologist, now at the
University of Chicago, asked the question how young student organizers of
the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, SNCC, had successfully
organized voter registration and related campaigns in one town, Greenwood,
Mississippi, in the years 1961-1964. The Mississippi Delta region was one
of the most benighted areas of the South, with conditions for black cotton
sharecroppers and plantation workers not much above the level of slavery.
Despite the fact that illiteracy and economic dependency were the norm
among black people in the Delta, and that they were the target of years of
violent terror tactics, including murder, SNCC miraculously organized
these same people to take the steps toward their own freedom, through
attaining voting rights and education. How did they do it?

What Payne uncovers through his investigation into SNCC in Greenwood is an
organizing method that has no name but is solidly rooted in the traditions
of church women of the rural South. Black churches usually had charismatic
male ministers, who, as a consequence of their positions, led in an
authoritarian manner. The work of the congregations themselves, however,
the social events and education and mutual aid were organized at the base
level by women, who were democratic and relational in style. Martin Luther
King's Southern Christian Leadership Council, SCLC, used the ministerial
model in their mobilizing for events, while the young people of SNCC -
informed by the teaching and examples of freedom movement veterans Ella
Baker and Septima Clark - concentrated on building relationships with
local people and helping them develop into leaders within democratic
structures. SNCC's central organizing principle, "participatory
democracy," was a direct inheritance from Ella Baker.

Payne writes, "SNCC preached a gospel of individual efficacy. What you do
matters. In order to move politically, people had to believe that. In
Greenwood, the movement was able to exploit communal and familial
traditions that encouraged people to believe in their own light".

The features of the method, sometimes called "developmental" or
"transformational organizing," involve long-term strategy, patient
base-building, personal engagement between people, full democratic
participation, education and the development of people's leadership
capabilities, and coalition-building. The developmental method is often
juxtaposed to Alinsky-style organizing, which is usually characterized as
top-down and manipulative.

For a first-hand view of Alinsky organizing - though it's never named as
such - by a trained and seasoned practitioner, see Barack Obama's book,
Dreams from My Father (Three Rivers Press, 1995 and 2004). In the middle
section of the book, "Chicago," Obama describes his three years organizing
on the streets and housing projects of South Chicago. He beautifully
invokes his motives - improving young people's lives - but at the same
time draws a murky picture of organizing. Questions abound: Who trained
him? What was his training? Who paid him? What is the guiding ideology?
What is his relationship to the people he calls "my leaders?" Are they
above him or are they manipulated by him? Who are calling whose shots?
What are the long-term consequences? It's a great piece to start a
discussion with young organizers.

While reading I've Got the Light of Freedom, I realized that much of what
we had practiced in SDS was derived from SNCC and this developmental
organizing tradition, up to and including the vision of "participatory
democracy," which was incorporated in the 1962 SDS founding document, "The
Port Huron Statement" Columbia SDS's work was patient, strategic,
base-building, using both confrontation and education. I, myself, had been
nurtured and developed into a leadership position through years of close
friendship with older organizers.

However, my clique's downfall came post-1968, when, under the spell of the
illusion of revolution, we abandoned organizing, first for militant
confrontation (Weatherman and the Days of Rage, Oct. 1969) and then armed
urban guerilla warfare (the Weather Underground, 1970-1976). We had, in
effect, moved backward from organizing to self-expression, believing,
ridiculously, that that would build the movement. At the moment when more
organizing was needed to build a permanent anti-imperialist mass movement,
we abandoned organizing.

This is the story I tell in my book, Underground.  It's about good
organizing (Columbia), leading to worse (Weatherman), leading to horrible
(the Weather Underground). I hope it's useful to contemporary organizers,
as they contemplate how to build the coming mass movement(s).

Mark Rudd lives and teaches in Albuquerque, N.M. He can be reached at
www.markrudd.com.


--------10 of 11--------

When the Economic Crisis Ends, the Political Crisis will Begin
Who Will Pay For the Economic Collapse?
By SHAMUS COOKE
CounterPunch
December 25-27, 2009

First Iceland, then Ireland, now Greece. Much of Europe is mired in
inescapable debt and bankrupt nations, the result of crashing banks, bank
bailouts, and soaring unemployment. The U.S. and U.K. watch from a
distance, knowing their turn is next.

The European corporate-elite - like their American counterparts - lavished
non-stop praise on the "bold yet necessary" decision to bail out the
banks; the economy was supposedly saved from "impending collapse". But
every action has an equal but opposite reaction. Bailing out the banks
saved the butts of dozens of European bankers, but now millions of workers
are about to experience a thundering kick in the ass.

Unbeknownst to most Europeans, the public money that financed the bank
bailouts created a massive public debt problem, to be solved by massively
slashing public programs that benefit workers and the poor. This amounts
to a blatant transfer of billions - maybe trillions of dollars - in public
wealth, away from the majority of citizens toward a parasitic crust of
bankers.

These "tough decisions" should act as warnings to the American working
class, since the U.S. corporate-elite, too, has clear-cut plans for who is
to pay for their colossal spending spree on bank giveaways and foreign
wars (hint: it's not them).

The massive amounts of government bonds printed to pay for the global bank
bailouts were purchased by global investors (capitalists). For these
vultures, government bonds are an excellent investment when the economy
crashes, and gambling on stocks turns sour. Now, these investors want to
be sure that the heavily indebted governments are able to pay up. And
they're becoming impatient.

A good peek into the mind of the global investor can be seen in any of the
three global "credit ratings agencies" - Moody's, Standard and Poor's, and
Fitch. These corporations give "grades" to debtors - federal governments,
corporations, state and city governments, etc. - based on their "credit
worthiness". To have one's grade lowered means that investors should back
off and demand higher interest rates on loans, if loans are made at all.
Receiving a "B" instead of an "A" can make the difference between a poor
nation being able to build a highway, hospital, or school.

Recently, Moody's released their notorious "misery index" - the nations
that are most sunken in debt and least able to pay it back, requiring that
"special measures" be taken to prove to investors that these governments
are able to repay their loans. The biggest losers of the misery index were
not surprises and included the above-mentioned European countries.
However, ranking right behind bankrupt Iceland was the United States: the
once-proud super-power is now a debt-ridden carcass, with investor
vultures circling overhead.

Moody's is warning rich investors to be wary of formerly rich countries
defaulting on their loans, i.e., going bankrupt. Moody's chief of rating
nations' credit, Pierre Cailleteau, explains why:

"This is mainly because of the crisis of public finances [bank bailouts
plus unemployment] that has beset many rich countries in what Moody's
believes will be the final - and disturbingly long-lasting - stage of the
crisis". This is what passes for optimism nowadays.

Moody's is demanding that less-rich nations like Greece, Ireland, Spain,
etc., take immediate actions to make their rich investors happy. The
Washington Post explains Ireland's situation:

"More than $4 billion in cuts will slash salaries for 400,000 government
workers while making painful reductions in benefits for such groups as
widows and single mothers to the blind and disabled children.
Unemployment benefits were also slashed by as much as 30%". (December 22,
2009).

The U.S. and the U.K. need not make immediate cuts, but they must make
immediate plans to make major cuts, explains Moody's spokesmen Cailleteau:

".this will be the year [2010] where both the U.S. government and the U.K.
government will have to articulate a credible plan to address their
problems of large debt".

John Chambers of Standard & Poor's was more blunt:

"The U.S. government, like the U.K. government, the Greeks and the Irish,
is going to need to draw down fiscal stimulus, pare expenditures [make
cuts], raise revenues [taxes] and probably take a look at [cuts] in their
entitlement programs" - Social Security, Medicare, Education, etc.

This is not news to President Obama. While he was extending the Bush bank
bailouts, Obama took time to calm the nerves of investors, who saw an
exploding debt that would soon need to be dealt with. That is why Obama
pledged to the Washington Post that he would "reform entitlement
programs". (January 16, 2009). This was to be done after the economy had
stabilized.

It's almost time.

The mainstream media will surely go on the offensive to support our
corporate-owned President in his assault on the social programs long
cherished by the American working class. We will be told that there are
"no other options," when in fact there are.

Not only could military spending be reduced by hundreds of billions of
dollars per year, but taxes should be raised significantly for the very
wealthy. If the top 1 percent of the richest Americans were taxed at 90
percent, hundreds of millions of Americans would benefit, since public
education would be saved, alongside Medicare and Social Security.

Barack Obama will soon be pursuing a policy that George Bush Jr. would
never dare try. He must be resisted at every step. American unions should
look to Europe for inspiration for how to deal with the coming onslaught:
mass demonstrations and united strike action will be the only way to put
sufficient pressure on a government enforcing a solidly right-wing
corporate agenda. The political instability that is currently engulfing
Europe is soon to be exported to the United States - we must not be caught
off-guard.

The issue of the day is clear: somebody must be made to pay for the
economic crisis. The corporate-elite is planning to push this burden on to
the working class. The working class must push back. Unions and community
organizations should begin organizing now in anticipation, with demands to
tax the rich and corporations, and to save Social Security, Medicare, and
public education.

[First, squash Obamamania. We have no reason to love Obama, or trust
Obama, or have sugar-sweet "hope" in Obama, his henchmen or his masters.
There ain't no hope there, folks, only a smile and a dance and a knife for
your back when you turn around. We citizens have to get off our poopdecks
NOW - or grant the masters everything for them and nothing for us. Ready
for crushing poverty and ghetto status? NOTHING gives these dollar
dictators the right to run the world! They just grab it by fiat! We are
fools and slaves if we don't either laugh them off the stage, or move
against them so hard they don't dare mess with us, or, preferably, both.
-ed]

Shamus Cooke is a social service worker, trade unionist, and writer for
Workers Action (www.workerscompass.org).  He can be reached at
shamuscook [at] yahoo.com


--------11 of 11--------

Pledge 2012 No vote for Obama/12.30.09
ed

Pledge 2012 No vote for Obama

Some of Barack Obama's bad actions:
 30,000 more troops to Afghanistan
 record high military budget
 bombing by unmanned drones in Pakistan
 continued Iraq war
 rejection of landmine treaty
 continued torture and coverup of past torture
 support for Honduras coup
 support for Israeli occupation of Palestine
 suppression of Goldstone Gaza war report
 bank bailout
 no prosecution or even investigation of Bush & Co
 reaffirmation of Patriot Act
 for insurance companies & vs single payer
 support for expanded nuclear power

For these, and many other bad actions,

 We the undersigned publicly pledge not to vote for Barack Obama for
 US president in 2012.

 Robert Halfhill
 Amber Garlan
 Tom Cleland
 David Weisberg
 Dave Bicking
 Andy Hamerlinck
 Doug Mann
 Ted Dooley
 Melissa Hill
 Dori Ullman
 Ryan Carey
 Jan McGee
 Bill Oldfather
 Carol Mellom
 Michelle Gross
 Mike Whelan
 Robert Palmer
 Tom Dooley
 Tim Nolan
 Johnny Hazard
 Suzanne Linton
 Michael Cavlan
 Steven Boyer
 John Simcox
 Louise Bouta
 Vanessa Vogl
 Lisa Grant
 M J Schoen
 Clinton Dietrich
 David Shove
 [room for YOUR name]


==end of pledge

To sign this pledge, send to shove001 [at] tc.umn.edu an email from your
standard personal email address, with your name, and the words: No Obama
2012 vote.

The above will be published regularly on the Progressive Calendar, Green
Party lists, etc. Continuing chances for additional people to sign.

 If you need to research any topic raised here, go to eg:
  CounterPunch    http://counterpunch.org
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 Once you're there, do a search on your topic, eg obama drones

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   rhymes with clove         Progressive Calendar
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