|Progressive Calendar 11.18.06||<– Date –> <– Thread –>|
|From: David Shove (shove001tc.umn.edu)|
|Date: Sat, 18 Nov 2006 06:40:17 -0800 (PST)|
P R O G R E S S I V E C A L E N D A R 11.18.06 1. SpiritProgs 11.18 8:30am 2. Oaxaca revolt 11.18 10am 3. Green Xmas gifts 11.18 10am 4. No Knollwood army 11.18 10:30am 5. NW vigil 11.18 11am 6. Northtown vigil 11.18 1pm 7. Turkey-free Thx 11.18 2pm 8. ASL/puppet/kids 11.18 2pm 9. Deep space news 11.18 7pm 10. Nonpartisan party 11.18 7pm 11. Lerner speaks 11.16 7pm 12. Fure/Nelson conc 11.18 7:30pm 13. Mpls Green Party 11.19 12noon 14. MnSOAWatch vigil 11.19 1pm 15. IRV for StPaul 11.19 2pm 16. Are we free? 11.19 3pm 17. Amnesty Intl 11.19 3pm 18. KFAI/Indian 11.19 4pm 19. Mac garden 11.19 5pm 20. Greg Grandin - Milton Friedman and the economics of empire --------1 of 20-------- From: Charles Underwood <charleyunderwood [at] hotmail.com> Subject: SpiritProgs 11.18 8:30am Saturday, 11/18, 8:30 am to 5:30 pm, Midwest Conference of Spiritual Progressives "Igniting a Culture of Love, Peace and Justice" with Rabbi Michael Lerner, then 6 concurrent afternoon workshops, Plymouth Congregational Church Rev James Gertmenian and activist Farheen Hakeem, $45 advance registration ($20 for activists), lunch included, Wesley Church, 101 E Grant, downtown Mpls. www.nspmn.org --------2 of 20-------- From: Charles Underwood <charleyunderwood [at] hotmail.com> Subject: Oaxaca revolt 11.18 10am Saturday, 11/18, 10 to 11:30 am, Resource Center of the Americas coffeehour on "Uprising in Oaxaca," 3019 Minnehaha Ave, Mpls. www.americas.org --------3 of 20-------- From: snyde043 <snyde043 [at] tc.umn.edu> Subject: Green Xmas gifts 11.18 10am Kick off the Holiday Season in the Twin Cities by Being `Green'! Do It Green! Gifts Fair On Saturday, November 18th from 10am-5pm local businesses and artisans will showcase recycled, organic, fair-trade and environmentally-friendly gifts. This event will be held in south Minneapolis along Lyndale Avenue from Franklin to 35th streets and will also be inside Lyndale Church 810 West 31st Street. Participating locations will be marked by a `green' gift box on the boulevard. In addition, there will be music, food, and workshops inside the church on `greening your holidays' for adults and children. This is a free event sponsored by the Twin Cities Green Guide, Intermedia Arts and Ecopolitan MORE DETAILS: Do It Green! Gifts Fair Shop for all of your green gifts in one place! Do It Green! Gifts Fair - Saturday, November 18th 10am-5pm Uptown, Minneapolis * Green Gifts Fair and Workshops inside Lyndale Church, located at 31st and Aldrich * Green Gifts Crawl with Local Green Businesses along Lyndale Avenue in Uptown, Minneapolis * Silent Auction with Gift Baskets, Gift Certificates and other Goodies * Kick-off Event for Do It Green! Magazine available for $7 * Green Your Holidays Workshops * Music, Food, and Warm Drinks GREEN GIFTS To view all of the vendors and green gifts available visit: http://www.doitgreen.org/article/events/giftsfair FREE WORKSHOPS Free workshops for adults and children will be offered to help you to reduce your waste over the holidays (waste can increase by 1/3 per household over the holidays!) and offer gifts and décor ideas in the spirit of being `green'. Workshops include: - Coffee Tasting with organic, fair-trade coffee from Peace Coffee. - ArtStart Children's Reuse - projects kids can take home to decorate the holiday table. - Waste-Free Holiday Tips for your home by Carolyn Smith of Anoka County. - Holiday Feng Shui - workshop by Dianna DiCristiana of Wind Water Harmony. - Local Chef Jenny Breen will help you with ideas for creating a local and seasonal holiday food spread, with a tasting. - Learn How to Sew reusable cloth gift bags with the American Sewing Guild. Bring your children too! - Make Recycled Holiday Gift Tags & Greeting Cards - get your creative juices flowing with your friends or kids. - Giving Energy for the Holidays- learn about LED holiday lights, fluorescent light bulbs and energy audits as gifts! --------4 of 20-------- From: "Murphy, Cathy" <CMurphy [at] analysts.com> Subject: No Knollwood army 11.18 10:30am Army opening "Career Center" in Knollwood Mall Knollwood is a community meeting place. Our kids spend time there, sometimes alone or with friends. Army recruiters, who are increasingly desperate, aggressively target them, using lies & coercive tactics. What can we do about it? ProtectAction is a group of local folks working to protect our kids. You can help. Raise awareness in the community: Join us - Every Saturday - 10:30 a.m. Meet under the large Knollwood Mall sign (Hwy7 & Aquila), where we put on white shirts with ProtectAction on the back. We walk into the mall via several entrances and meet at the recruiting center, each carrying a sign with the name of a Minnesotan killed in Iraq or Afghanistan since 2003 (49 so far) We stand briefly in front of the recruiting center and then depart (total time commitment = 20 minutes) www.ProtectAction.blogspot.com <http://www.protectaction.blogspot.com/> --------5 of 20-------- From: Carole Rydberg <carydberg [at] comcast.net> Subject: NW vigil 11.18 11am NW Neighbors for Peace will have our weekly demonstrations every Saturday between 11 AM and noon along Vinewood, near Rockford Rd. (also known as 42nd Avenue or Cty. Rd. 9) and just east of 494. This is the entrance to Target, Rainbow, and other stores. --------6 of 20------- From: Lennie <major18 [at] comcast.net> Subject: Northtown vigil 11.18 1pm Mounds View peace vigiling EVERY SATURDAY from 1-2pm at the at the southeast corner of the intersection of Co. Hwy 10 and University Ave NE in Blaine, which is the northwest most corner of the Northtown Mall area. This is a MUCH better location. We'll have extra signs. Communities situated near the Northtown Mall include: Blaine, Mounds View, New Brighton, Roseville, Shoreview, Arden Hills, Spring Lake Park, Fridley, and Coon Rapids. For further information, email major18 [at] comcast.net or call Lennie at 763-717-9168 --------7 of 20-------- From: Gil Schwartz <gil [at] exploreveg.org> Subject: Turkey-free Thx 11.18 2pm Compassionate Action for Animals, in conjunction with Women's Student Activist Collective, is holding their Fourth Annual Turkey-Free Thanksgiving Potluck. Over a hundred vegetarians, vegans, and omnivores from across the Twin Cities will gather together to share Tofurky, vegan gravy and stuffing, and dozens of other delicious animal friendly foods. Before vegetarians head home to unsympathetic family members and meals where bland mashed potatoes are the only food they can eat, CAA will provide an inviting and welcoming atmosphere, some great food, games, and prizes to celebrate the holiday. Bring friends and a veg dish to share with 5-8 others. Fourth Annual Turkey-Free Thanksgiving Potluck Saturday, November 18, 2006 2-4:30pm 1219 University Ave SE (Dinkytown) University Baptist Church, Minneapolis [Note: The event is not affiliated with the church] For more information on the Thanksgiving Feast please visit www.ExploreVeg.org or call 612-626-5785 Sponsors include: Compassionate Action for Animals and Women's Student Activist Collective --------8 of 20-------- From: paulino brener <email [at] paulino.info> Subject: ASL/puppet/kids 11.18 2pm Boats, circles and ogres: stories for young ones and young at heart! "paper boats" with paulino brener Paulino travels around the world on paper boats and brings back many folktales and languages from distant countries. Make your own paper boat and join Paulino in this entertaining, multicultural and multilingual storytelling feast! "fool circle" with margo mccreary and shari aronson "Fool Circle" is a story about a puppet character's search for where he came from . All people have a desire to find their place in the world, and to know that they belong. Ollie McNutt, a 7' tall puppet, makes his way foolishly around boulders, bees, and badgers into a circle of his own. The circles that we place ourselves expand over our lives as we understand more and more how much we share with all other beings. Date: Saturday, Nov. 18th**, 2006 Time: 2:00 PM Tickets: $6 - $12 sliding scale for TWO SHOWS! Location: Walker Church 3104 16th Ave. S. Minneapolis, MN 55407 ** This performance is ASL interpreted To buy tickets online or for more information about this and upcoming shows visit www.paulino.info or call 612-246-4623 --------9 of 20-------- From: jojane [at] juno.com From: Karen Hering <khering [at] sbcglobal.net> Subject: Deep space news 11.18 7pm In celebration of its 125th anniversary The First Unitarian Society of Minneapolis presents The Unfolding Universe - finding design A lecture by Dr. Lawrence Rudnick Distinguished Teaching Professor of Astronomy University of Minnesota With responding comments from Rev. Dr. Kendyl Gibbons First Unitarian Society of Minneapolis Saturday, November 18, 2006 7-9pm program 6:30pm, refreshments Free and open to the public Join us as we examine some of the latest discoveries in astronomy and explore their profound implications for our spiritual lives and communities of faith. Dr. Rudnick will discuss the newest information from ground and space-based telescopes studying our universe. Rev. Dr. Gibbons will reflect on the significance of these discoveries within a faith perspective that takes science seriously. First Unitarian Society of Minneapolis 900 Mount Curve Avenue www.firstunitariansociety.org 612-377-6608 --------10 of 20-------- From: Elizabeth Dickinson <eadickinson [at] mindspring.com> Subject: Nonpartisan party 11.18 7pm THE FOURTH ANNUAL NONPARTISAN PARTY From: Carleton Crawford Elizabeth Dickinson Lee Eklund Darrell Gerber Brian Melendez David Weinlick You and your friends are cordially invited to the fourth annual "Nonpartisan Party" on Saturday 18 November, from 7 p.m. until Whenever, at Brian Melendez's home, 1777 Dupont Avenue South, Minneapolis. (Please see below for directions.) The Concept The inaugural Nonpartisan Party was held in 2003, when - for the first time in many years - there were neither federal, state, legislative, nor municipal elections scheduled in Minneapolis. The first Tuesday after the first Monday in November came and went without a general election. The co-hosts - then as now - were volunteer activists in different political parties. We spend practically all our volunteer time around politics, helping get our candidates elected. But some of the most decent and interesting folks that we have met in local politics are not necessarily members of the same party as we are. Unfortunately, those folks seldom deal with each other outside the partisan political context, so building relationships and actual friendships with each other is tough. But local politics would be much more civil, and perhaps focused more on issues and less on personalities, if there were more opportunities for building relationships and friendships among volunteers across party lines. To that end, we threw the first Nonpartisan Party as an opportunity for volunteer leaders in all the political parties to meet and mingle outside partisan politics. The event was a success, so we have turned it into an annual event - a chance for coming together after an actual election, taking off our hats as partisans for a moment and looking at the candidates and at each other as neighbors and fellow citizens. The Rules There will be a few ground rules: 1. The party is a private event, hosted by individuals and not by political parties, organizations, or titles. Everyone who cares about local politics, regardless of partisan affiliation (or lack of affiliation), is welcome. 2. No agenda or program. 3. No handouts, leaflets, or other propaganda. It's a party, ya know? 4. The party is mostly in honor of volunteer activists. Publicly elected officers are more than welcome. So are candidates for those offices. But nobody gets a soapbox or a formal introduction. 5. No campaigning allowed. (Gossip and speculation are okay.) 6. No speeches! We will supply some beverages and munchies (and maybe even some Krispy Kreme donuts). You don't need to bring anything. But if you do want to bring something, you can bring a favorite beverage or snack for sharing. The Directions 1777 Dupont Avenue is a red-brick house with white trim, in Lowry Hill, three blocks west of Hennepin Avenue, between Summit and Douglas (three blocks north of Franklin). You can park on the street in front. Brian's phone number is 612.377.1777. We hope that you can come! Please write or call any co-host if you have any questions: Brian Melendez brian.melendez [at] usa.net Carleton Crawford carleton [at] c3homedesign.com Elizabeth Dickinson eadickinson [at] mindspring.com Darrell Gerber darrellgerber [at] earthlink.net Lee Eklund leeboy1 [at] peoplepc.com David Weinlick weinlick [at] gmail.com --------11 of 20-------- From: Lydia Howell <lhowell [at] visi.com> Subject: Lerner speaks 11.16 7pm THUR.NOV.16, 7pm: "The Spiritual Transformation of American Society" talk by Rabbi Michael Lerner, founder of Tikkun magazine(Rabbi Lerner is also one of the KEYNOTES at the Sat.Nov.18 Conf.of Network of Spiritual Progressives--info below) Ted Mann Concert Hall, 2128 4th Street South, U of M west bank Free and open to the public FFI: Institute for Advanced Study, www.ias.umn.edu, 612-626-5054 Media contact: Kelly O'Brien, College of Liberal Arts, 612-624-4109, obrie136 [at] umn.edu Rabbi Michael Lerner, founder of Tikkun magazine, will speak at the University of Minnesota on Thursday, November 16 at 7:00 p.m. The talk will take place at Ted Mann Concert Hall and is free and open to the public.In his talk, titled "The Spiritual Transformation of American Society," Rabbi Lerner will discuss the path to a progressive spiritual politics in an age of materialism and selfishness. Lerner proposes a universal spirituality and values not tied to any particular religion but foundational to all religions - recognizing that taking seriously the demand for love, caring, generosity, gratitude, and celebration of the sacred in other human beings and in nature could actually lead to a social transformation. --------12 of 20------- From: Rachel Nelson <bardlive [at] usfamily.net> Subject: Fure/Nelson concert 11.18 7:30pm Tret Fure/Rachel Nelson Concert Sat., Nov. 18 7:30 p.m. Jeanne d'Arc Auditorium, College of St. Catherine, St. Paul Tickets $15 in advance $18 at the door $12 student Tret Fure will appear in concert this Saturday with Rachel Nelson on fiddle and mandolin and Michael (Stix) Kiley on percussion. Nelson will also do an opening set. Both Fure and Nelson include songs about peace, community, and the environment in their repertoire. We externd our warmest invitation to the progressive community to join us for this concert! --------13 of 20-------- From: neil <gathersplainpebbles [at] excite.com> Subject: Mpls Green Party 11.19 12noon Greetings Fifth District Folks, Please join us for the next membership meeting at the Park House at 2120 Park Avenue in Minneapolis. Also, please note there is a social hour to gather and meet. Hope to see you. For a glimpse of the agenda, visit the 5cd website at http://5cd.mngreens.org/ Neil Cunningham 5cd Steering Committee Co-Chair --------14 of 20-------- From: MnSOAWatch <MnSOAW [at] circlevision.org> Subject: MnSOAWatch vigil 11.19 1pm MnSOAWatch Twin Cities Area Vigil Sunday, November 19 - 1 PM Lake Street/Marshall Ave Bridge Stand in Solidarity - As thousands gather at the front gates of Fort Benning to honor and commemorate the six Jesuit priests, their co-worker and her teenage daughter, who were massacred in El Salvador on November 16, 1989. You can stand with them in spirit as a litany of names of those killed or disappeared by graduates of the School of the Americas is read. Meet on the St. Paul side of the bridge. Please bring signs or crosses and a short poem or prayer, if you'd like. The folks at the National Catholic Reporter have created a web page dedicated to this year's vigil at Ft. Benning . The NCRcafe provides on line coverage of the vigil including pod cast interviews, blogs, discussion forums, updates and columns. This is a great tool for folks who will not be able to make it to this year's Vigil and for those who want to express their views and experiences while participating in the events and actions in Ft. Benning, GA <>http://www.ncrcafe.org/node/613 Veterans for Peace still has 4 seats left on their memorable bus trip to Fort Benning. Call Jim as soon as possible to get a seat. 612.722.1112 Twin Ports SOAW is organizing a photo of Minnesotans at the SOAW vigil in Columbus next weekend to send to our congress people. They might be surprised how many Minnesotans take part in this important vigil. We plan on taking it at 3:30 on Saturday. We will meet near the entrance checkpoint. Last year we had a photo with 25 from Duluth. What will we have this year from Minnesota? Watch for a crowd and a sign! MaryB Newcomb of Twin Ports SOAW http://www.soaw.org/new/ Navigate yourself through the many articles, resources that SOAWatch has prepared for our benefit. To keep on top of this year's schedule and all the activities in Georgia go to http://www.soaw.org/new/article.php?id=1357 and print yourself a schedule and read more about what's happening. This year's funeral procession will culminate in a joyous celebration of remembrance as we make the transition from somber reflection to the celebration of life and resistance. We need you to help us make this happen! Bring flowers of all kinds (fresh, plastic, paper, cloth). Bring trumpets, drums, conch shells, and anything else you can think of to help us make a joyful noise. Join us as we incorporate a "second line" into this year's vigil and celebrate the Return to Life by spreading beauty and music where it otherwise might not be found. Media outreach is one of the pillars of the movement to close down the SOA/WHINSEC. The more people know about the history and actions of the SOA/WHINSEC the closer we are to shutting it down. Taking a few minutes of your time to carry out a few media-related tasks can make a big difference. Click on http://www.soaw.org/new/article.php?id=266 to get suggestions and resources for your media work. <http://www.mnsoaw.org> --------15 of 20-------- From: Mike Whelan Subject: IRV for StPaul 11.19 2pm Green Party for IRV meeting on Sunday Nov 19 th at 2 PM 951 Iglehart in St Paul Info call Mike 651 645-9506 --------16 of 20-------- From: Eric Angell <eric-angell [at] riseup.net> Subject: Are we really free? 11.19 3pm IMPACT hosts a public discussion: "Are We Really Free? Cogs in the Economic Machine: A Guided Discussion on Social Control" Sunday, Nov 19, 3 pm MAYDAY BOOKSTORE, 301 Cedar Avenue Below Midwest Mountaineering, corner of Cedar and 3rd One block north of Cedar and Riverside Aves, Mpls The modern world has left many feeling insignificant and powerless. Often, this is due to the dominant-submissive relationships between an individual and the ever industrializing world engulfing them. Sunday, IMPACT will hold a guided discussion about a citizen's path to powerlessness as shaped by our civilization and what can be done to reclaim our personal sovereignty in a world in which the average person is guided towards consumerism. --------17 of 20------- From: Gabe Ormsby <gabeo [at] bitstream.net> Subject: Amnesty Intl 11.19 3pm GROUP 37 NOVEMBER MEETING REMINDER: SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 19TH - 3 TO 5 P.M. Join Group 37 for our regular meeting on Sunday, November 19th, from 3:00 to 5:00 p.m. This month we catch up with the work of our various sub-groups and take a bit of a breather after a successful 30th anniversary event (see report below). Come to learn about our projects protecting human rights at points around the globe. All are welcome at the meeting, and refreshments will be provided. Location: Center for Victims of Torture, 717 E. River Rd. SE, Minneapolis (corner of E. River Rd. and Oak St.). Park on street or in the small lot behind the center (the Center is a house set back on a large lawn). A map and directions are available on-line: http://www.twincitiesamnesty.org/meetings.html. --------18 of 20-------- From: Chris Spotted Eagle <chris [at] spottedeagle.org> Subject: KFAI/Indian 11.19 4pm Uprising for November 19th KFAI's Indian Uprising for November 19th CENSORSHIP, THE OTHER GENOCIDE, KILLING OF THE SPIRIT, as said by Brenda Norrell, Sept. 28, 2006. I was just terminated by Indian Country Today. Since I began this effort as a news reporter in Indian country 23 years ago in pursuit of justice and truth, I feel I owe the readers an apology for allowing ICT to censor the truth in articles I have written. I did protest the censorship, but no retractions were published. Officially, my position is being eliminated on Friday. This comes after I repeatedly complained of censorship at the newspaper. During the past the following and plus issues were censored: Censored: After all reporters were told to write about the bird flu, I wrote about how Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is profiteering by millions from the sale of the drug Tamiflu, receiving profits from a company where he holds shares. The article included information on the earlier attempts of companies to profiteer from the sale of ribavirin during the Navajo hantavirus outbreak. My article was censored in ICT and turned into an advertisement for the medication Tamiflu. Censored: Raytheon Missiles on Navajo farm (NAPI) in the recent NAPI/Cuban contract story; I was told not to include in the article the fact that Raytheon is located on the Navajo farm and is responsible for spills leading to cancer in South Tucson, where Chicanos and Indians live. Raytheon produces missiles for the Department of Defense Censored: The fact that Ben "Nighthorse" Campbell is Portuguese and grew up in California. His mother is full-blooded Portuguese and his story changed about his father through the years. One Northern Cheyenne medicine man asked ICT who Campbell is. Campbell first claimed to have some Apache blood and later changed it Northern Cheyenne. The Denver Post reported that Campbell is at least 7/8th non-Indian. Campbell did not respond for a request to comment. And more... see attached. Brenda Norrell, a journalist/reporter, has worked for 23 years covering Indian news, including five years as a correspondent for Associated Press and seven years freelancing for USA Today. She was a regular correspondent for Indian country Today. Her articles have also appeared the UN Observer and International Report, and the Farmington Daily Times. TIPS ON CONSERVATION & MINIMIZING GLOBAL WARMING. Read/buy the book, An Inconvenient Truth: The Planetary Emergency of Global Warming and What We Can Do About It by Al Gore. The book is well done with color photographs, charts and very useful information you most likely didn't know about. Climate change worldwide means we're all in this together, the need to be respectful of Turtle Island, our Mother Earth. To calculate your impact on the climate in terms of the total amount of greenhouse gasses you produce, visit www.climatecrisis.net. Note: The Native American Press/Ojibwe Newspaper is now being published on the lst and 15th of each month, rather then weekly. * * * * Indian Uprising a one-half hour Public & Cultural Affairs program is for and by Indigenous people broadcast each Sunday at 4:00 p.m. over KFAI 90.3 FM Minneapolis and 106.7 FM St. Paul. Producer and host is Chris Spotted Eagle. KFAI Fresh Air Radio, www.kfai.org, is located at 1808 Riverside Avenue, Minneapolis MN 55454, 612-341-3144. --------19 of 20-------- From: Julia Eagles <julia.eagles [at] gmail.com> Subject: Mac garden 11.19 5pm Dear friends of MULCH, Greetings at the end of yet another season of growing in the MULCH garden. As many of you may know, MULCH (Macalester Urban Land & Community Health- the campus community gardening student organization) is losing our space this year as Macalester is building a new and improved athletic facility. After over a decade of growing in our little plot of land tucked in between the Field House, we bid farewell to that garden and embrace a new one. With the support of administrators and dedicated students, the organization broke ground this fall in a new space on Vernon Street (on the southside of campus) between two of the language houses. While the new garden offers many opportunities for design, expansion and collaboration, our old space will be sorely missed by many. The work of several generations of Macalester students and community built the MULCH garden to its current capacity- at more than twice its original size and growing over 80 different species. My involvement with MULCH and work in that garden was formative to my experience at Mac and beyond, and many of you may share your own attachments to the garden. With that in mind, we are extending a special invitation to each of you to this year's MULCH Harvest Festival, as an opportunity to remember and celebrate the garden and your various connections to it. I encourage people to attend with their stories and memories of the garden, or if you can't make it, send them along to us at mulch [at] macalester.edu. Feel free to pass this message on to other alumni and friends: Join MULCH in celebrating the season and a decade of harvests from the garden, with food, Contra Dancing and live music by Flying Fingers. The event is free, but donations for local hunger prevention efforts are welcome. Sunday, November 19th, 5-7 PM Weyerhause Board Room, Macalester College DIRECTIONS: From I 94 take the Snelling Avenue exit. Go South on Snelling (a right turn from I94 W) until you hit Grand Avenue. Turn right on Grand and then take your first left on to Macalester Street. Weyerhaueser will be on your left. Julia Eagles Class of 2006 julia.eagles [at] gmail.com --------20 of 20-------- Milton Friedman and the Economics of Empire The Road from Serfdom By GREG GRANDIN CounterPunch November 17, 2006 Milton Friedman had no idea that his six-day trip to Chile in March 1975 would generate so much controversy. He was invited to Santiago by a group of Chilean economists who over the previous decades had been educated at the University of Chicago, in a program set up by Friedman's colleague, Arnold Harberger. Two years after the overthrow of Allende, with the dictatorship unable to get inflation under control, the "Chicago Boys" began to gain real influence in General Augusto Pinochet's military government. They recommended the application of what Friedman had already taken to call "shock treatment" or a "shock program" - immediately halting the printing of money to finance the budget deficit, cutting state spending twenty to twenty-five percent, laying off tens of thousands of government workers, ending wage and price controls, privatizing state industries, and deregulating capital markets. "Complete free trade," Friedman advised. Friedman and Harberger were flown down to "help to sell" the plan to the military junta, which despite its zealous defense of the abstraction of free enterprise was partial to corporatism and the maintenance of a large state sector. Friedman gave a series of lectures and met with Pinochet for 45 minutes, where the general "indicated very little indeed about his own or the government's feeling." Although he noted that the dictator, responsible for the torture of tens of thousands of Chileans, seemed "sympathetically attracted to the idea of a shock treatment." Friedman returned home to a firestorm of protest, aggravated by his celebrity as a Newsweek columnist and ongoing revelations about Washington's and corporate America's involvement in the overthrow of Allende. Not only had Nixon, the CIA, and ITT, along with other companies, plotted to destabilize Allende's "democratic road to socialism," but now a renowned University of Chicago economist, whose promotion of the wonders of the free market was heavily subsidized by corporations such as Bechtel, Pepsico, Getty, Pfizer, General Motors, W.R. Grace, and Firestone, was advising the dictator who overthrew him on how to complete the counterrevolution - at the cost of skyrocketing unemployment among Chile's poor. The New York Times identified Friedman as the "guiding light of the junta's economic policy," while columnist Anthony Lewis asked: if "pure Chicago economic theory can be carried out in Chile only at the price of repression, should its authors feel some responsibility?" At his university, the Spartacus Youth League pledged to "drive Friedman off campus through protest and exposure," while the student government, replicating their own version of the Church Commission hearings that was just then investigating US crimes in Chile, convened a "Commission of Inquiry on the Friedman/Harberger Issue." Everywhere in the press the name Friedman was paired with the adjectives "draconian" and "shock," with small but persistent protests dogging the professor at many of his public appearances. In letters to various editors and detractors, Friedman downplayed the extent of his involvement in Chile, fingering Harberger as more directly involved in the mentoring of Chilean economists. While defensive, he nevertheless reveled in the controversy and the frisson of being ushered into speaking engagements via kitchens and back doors to avoid demonstrators. He enjoyed exposing the double standard of "liberal McCarthyism," pointing out that he was never criticized for giving similar advice to Red China, the Soviet Union or Yugoslavia. In recounting an episode when a man was dragged out of the Nobel award ceremony after shouting "down with capitalism, freedom for Chile," Friedman delighted in noting that the protest backfired, resulting in his receiving "twice as long an ovation" than any other laureate. Friedman defended his relationship with Pinochet by saying that if Allende had been allowed to remain in office Chileans would have suffered "the elimination of thousands and perhaps mass starvation . . . torture and unjust imprisonment." But the elimination of thousands, mass hunger, torture and unjust imprisonment were what was taking place in Chile exactly at the moment the Chicago economist was defending his protge. Allende's downfall came because he refused to betray Chile's long democratic tradition and invoke martial law, yet Friedman nevertheless insisted that the military junta offered "more room for individual initiative and for a private sphere of life" and thus a greater "chance of a return to a democratic society." It was pure boilerplate, but it did give Friedman a chance to rehearse his understanding of the relationship between capitalism and freedom. Critics of both Pinochet and Friedman took Chile as proof positive that the kind of free-market absolutism advocated by the Chicago School was only possible through repression. So Friedman countered by redefining the meaning of freedom. Contrary to the prevailing post-WWII belief that political liberty was dependent on some form of mild social leveling, he insisted that "economic freedom is an essential requisite for political freedom." More than his monetarist theorems, this equation of "capitalism and freedom" was his greatest contribution to the rehabilitation of conservatism in the 1970s. Where pre-New Deal conservatives positioned themselves in defense of social hierarchy, privilege, and order, post-WWII conservatives instead celebrated the free market as a venue of creativity and liberty. Such a formulation today stands at the heart of the conservative movement, having been accepted as commonsense by mainline politicians and opinion makers. It is likewise enshrined in Bush's National Security Strategy, which mentions "economic freedom" more than twice as many times as it does "political freedom." While he was in Chile Friedman gave a speech titled "The Fragility of Freedom" where he described the "role in the destruction of a free society that was played by the emergence of the welfare state." Chile's present difficulties, he argued, "were due almost entirely to the forty-year trend toward collectivism, socialism and the welfare state . . . a course that would lead to coercion rather than freedom." The Pinochet regime, he argued, represented a turning point in a protracted campaign, a tearing off of democracy's false husks to reach true freedom's inner core. "The problem is not of recent origin," Friedman wrote in a follow-up letter to Pinochet, but "arises from trends toward socialism that started forty years ago, and reached their logical - and terrible - climax in the Allende regime." He praised the general for putting Chile back on the "right track" with the "many measures you have already taken to reverse this trend." Friedman understood the struggle to be a long one, and indeed some of the first recruits for the battle of Chile were conscripted decades earlier. With financial funding from the US government's Point Four foreign aid program and the Rockefeller Foundation, the University of Chicago's Department of Economics set up scholarship programs in the mid-1950s with Chile's Catholic and public universities. About one hundred select students between 1957 and 1970 received close, hands-on training, first in an apprenticeship program in Chile and then in post-graduate work in Chicago. In principle, Friedman and his colleagues opposed the kind of developmental largesse that funded the exchange program as a market distortion, yet they took the cash to finance their department's graduate program. But they also had a more idealistic purpose. Starting in the 1950s, Latin America, particularly the southern cone countries of Argentina, Chile, and Brazil, had become a laboratory for developmentalist economics. Social scientists, such as the Argentine Ral Prebisch from his position as head of the UN's Economic Commission on Latin America, expanded Keynesianism - after John Maynard Keynes, who elaborated the dominant post-WWII economic framework that envisioned an active role for the state in the workings of the market - beyond its focus on managing countervailing cycles of inflation and unemployment to question the terms of international trade. Chronic inflation, according to Prebisch and other Latin American economists, was understood not to be a reflex of any given country's irresponsible monetary system but a symptom of deep structural inequalities that divided the global economy between the developed and the undeveloped world. Volatile commodity prices and capital investment reinforced first world advantage and third world disadvantage. Economists and politicians from across the political spectrum accepted the need for state planning, regulation, and intervention. Such ideas not only drove the economic policies of developing nations, but echoed throughout the corridors and conference rooms of the UN and the World Bank, as well as in the non-aligned movement's 1973 call for a New International Economic Order. It was the Chicago School's vision of hell, the New Deal writ large across the world stage. These ideas "fell like a bomb" on those who had long stood against Keynesianism at home only now to see its authority spread globally. The Chilean scholarship program was intended to counter such a vision. "University of Chile economists have been followers of Keynes and Prebisch more than of Marx," wrote former University of Chicago president and State Department director of overseas education programs William Benton, and "the Chicago influence" will "introduce a third basic viewpoint, that of contemporary 'market economics.'" Students returned to Chile not just with a well-rounded education in classical economics but with a burning dedication to carry the faith to benighted lands. They purged the economics departments of their universities of developmentalists and began to set up free-market institutes and think tanks - the Center for Social and Economic Studies, for example, and the Foundation for Liberty and Development - funded, as their counterparts in the US were, by corporate money. They understood their mission in continental terms, committed, as Chicago alum Ernesto Fontaine put it, "to expand throughout Latin America, confronting the ideological positions which prevented freedom and perpetuated poverty and backwardness." The program, which brought up students from universities in Argentina as well, is an example of the erratic nature of both public and private US diplomacy, conforming as it does to competing power interests within American society. At the same time that Kennedy was promoting Alliance for Progress reform capitalism, he was training and funding the men and institutions that would constitute the continent's dense network of death squads. At the same time that Chase Manhattan, Chemical, Manufacturers Hanover, and Morgan Guaranty were promoting, through the establishment of the Trilateral Commission, a more conciliatory economic policy in the third world, they were cutting off credit to Chile, making, in accordance with Nixon's directive, its economy "scream." And at the same time that every American president from Truman to Nixon was embracing Keynesianism, the University of Chicago's Economics Department, with financial support from the US government, had turned itself into free-market madrassa that indoctrinated a generation of Latin American economists to spearhead an international capitalist insurgency. Throughout the turbulent 1960s and 1970s, though, the revolution seemed to be forever deferred. In the late 1960s, the Chicago Boys had drawn up the platform of Allende's nationalist opponent in the 1970 election, which included many of the proposals that eventually would be implemented under Pinochet. But Allende won, so Chile had to wait. In the meantime, the military junta in Brazil, which took power in 1964, had invited Friedman in 1973 down for advice, which it took for awhile. A severe recession and skyrocketing unemployment followed. Friedman pronounced this first application of "shock therapy" an "economic miracle." But the generals, wisely it seems, demurred, returning to its state-directed program of industrialization that, while failing to curb inflation, did lower unemployment and lay the foundations for Brazil's current economic dominance of Latin America. Richard Nixon too, early in his first term, showed promise, but then he raised tariffs, introduced wage and price controls and, with an eye to the 1972 election, declared himself a Keynesian and opened up the money spout. Nixon was an "enormous disappointment," reflected Friedman. That left Pinochet, not the most reputable of characters but willing to go the distance. Chile became, according to Business Week, a "laboratory experiment" for taming inflation through monetary control, carrying out, said Barrons, the "most important modifications implemented in the developing world in recent times." American economists may have been writing "treatises" on the "way the world should work, but it is another country that is putting it into effect." A month after Friedman's visit, the Chilean junta announced that inflation would be stopped "at any cost." The regime cut government spending twenty-seven percent, practically shuttered the national mint, and set fire to bundles of escudos. The state divested from the banking system and deregulated finance, including interest rates. It slashed import tariffs, freed prices on over 2000 products, and removed restrictions against foreign investments. Pinochet pulled Chile out of a number of alliances with neighboring countries intended to promote regional industrialization, turning his country into a gateway for the introduction of cheap goods into Latin America. Tens of thousands of public workers lost their jobs as the government auctioned off, in what amounted to a spectacular transfer of wealth to the private sector, over four hundred state industries. Multinationals were not only granted the right to repatriate one hundred percent of their profits, but were given guaranteed exchange rates to help them do so. In order to build investor confidence, the escudo was fixed to the dollar. Within four years, nearly thirty percent of all property expropriated not just under Allende but under a previous Alliance for Progress land reform was returned to previous owners. New laws treated labor like any other "free" commodity, sweeping away four decades of progressive union legislation. Health care was privatized, as was the public pension fund. GNP plummeted thirteen percent, industrial production fell 28 percent, and purchasing power collapsed to forty percent of its 1970 level. One national business after another went bankrupt. Unemployment soared. Yet by 1978 the economy rebounded, expanding thirty-two percent between 1978 and 1981. Though salary levels remained close to twenty percent below what they were a decade previously, per capita income began to climb again. Perhaps even a better indicator of progress, torture and extrajudicial executions began to taper off. With hindsight, however, it is now clear that the Chicago economists, despite the credit they received for three years of economic growth, had set Chile on the road to near collapse. The rebound of the economy was a function of the liberalization of the financial system and massive foreign investment. That investment, it turns out, led to a speculative binge, monopolization of the banking system, and heavy borrowing. The deluge of foreign capital did allow the fixed exchange rate to be maintained for a short period. But sharp increases in private debt - rising from $2 billion in 1978 to over $14 billion in 1982 - put unsustainable pressure on Chile's currency. Pegged as it was to the appreciating US dollar, the value of the escudo was kept artificially high, leading to a flood of cheap imports. While consumers took advantage of liberalized credit to purchase TVs, cars, and other high-ticket items, savings shrank, debt increased, exports fell, and the trade deficit ballooned. In 1982 things fell apart. Copper prices plummeted, accelerating Chile's balance of trade deficit. GDP plunged fifteen percent, while industrial production rapidly contracted. Bankruptcies tripled and unemployment hit 30 percent. Despite his pledge to hold firm, Pinochet devalued the escudo, devastating poor Chileans who had either availed themselves to liberalized credit to borrow in dollars or who held their savings in escudos. The Central Bank lost forty-five percent of its reserves, while the private banking system collapsed. The crisis forced the state, dusting off laws still on the books from the Allende period, to take over nearly seventy percent of the banking system and reimpose controls on finance, industry, prices and wages. Turning to the IMF for a bailout, Pinochet extended a public guarantee to repay foreign creditors and banks. But before the crisis of 1982, there were the golden years between 1978 and 1981. Just as the international left flocked to Chile during the Allende period, under Pinochet the country became a mecca for the free-market right. Economists, political scientists, and journalists came to witness the "miracle" first hand, holding up Chile as a model to be implemented throughout the world. Representatives from European and American banks poured into Santiago, paying tribute to Pinochet by restoring credit that was denied the heretic Allende. The World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank extolled Chile as a paragon of responsibility, advancing it 46 loans between 1976 and 1986 for over $3.1 billion. In addition to money men, right-wing activists traveled to Chile in a show of solidarity with the Pinochet regime. Publisher of the National Review William Rusher, along with other cadres who eventually coalesced around Reagan's 1976 and 1980 bids for the Republican nomination, organized the American-Chilean Council, a solidarity committee to counter critical press coverage in the US of Pinochet. "I was unable to find a single opponent of the regime in Chile," Rusher wrote after a 1978 pilgrimage, "who believes the Chilean government engages" in torture. As to the "interim human discomfort" caused by radical free-market policies, Rusher believed that "a certain amount of deprivation today, in the interest of a far healthier society tomorrow, is neither unendurable nor necessarily reprehensible." Friedrich von Hayek, the Austrian emigre and University of Chicago professor whose 1944 Road to Serfdom dared to suggest that state planning would produce not "freedom and prosperity" but "bondage and misery," visited Pinochet's Chile a number of times. He was so impressed that he held a meeting of his famed Socit Mont Plrin there. He even recommended Chile to Thatcher as a model to complete her free-market revolution. The Prime Minister, at the nadir of Chile's 1982 financial collapse, agreed that Chile represented a "remarkable success" but believed that Britain's "democratic institutions and the need for a high degree of consent" make "some of the measures" taken by Pinochet "quite unacceptable." Like Friedman, Hayek glimpsed in Pinochet the avatar of true freedom, who would rule as a dictator only for a "transitional period," only as long as needed to reverse decades of state regulation. "My personal preference," he told a Chilean interviewer, "leans toward a liberal dictatorship rather than toward a democratic government devoid of liberalism." In a letter to the London Times he defended the junta, reporting that he had "not been able to find a single person even in much maligned Chile who did not agree that personal freedom was much greater under Pinochet than it had been under Allende." Of course, the thousands executed and tens of thousands tortured by Pinochet's regime weren't talking. Hayek's University of Chicago colleague Milton Friedman got the grief, but it was Hayek who served as the true inspiration for Chile's capitalist crusaders. It was Hayek who depicted Allende's regime as a way station between Chile's postwar welfare state and a hypothetical totalitarian future. Accordingly, the Junta justified its terror as needed not only to prevent Chile from turning into a Stalinist gulag but to sweep away fifty years of tariffs, subsidies, capital controls, labor legislation, and social welfare provisions - a "half century of errors," according to finance minister Sergio De Castro, that was leading Chile down its own road to serfdom. "To us, it was a revolution," said government economist Miguel Kast, an Opus Dei member and follower of both Hayek and American Enterprise Institute theologian Michael Novak. The Chicago economists had set out to affect, radically and immediately, a "foundational" conversion of Chilean society, to obliterate its "pseudo-democracy" (prior to 1973, Chile enjoyed one of the most durable constitutional democracies in the Americas). Where Friedman made allusions to the superiority of economic freedom over political freedom in his defense of Pinochet, the Chicago group institutionalized such a hierarchy in a 1980 constitution named after Hayek's 1960 treatise The Constitution of Liberty. The new charter enshrined economic liberty and political authoritarianism as complementary qualities. They justified the need of a strong executive such as Pinochet not only to bring about a profound transformation of society but to maintain it until there was a "change in Chilean mentality." Chileans had long been "educated in weakness," said the president of the Central Bank, and a strong hand was needed in order to "educate them in strength." The market itself would provide tutoring: When asked about the social consequences of the high bankruptcy rate that resulted from the shock therapy, Admiral Jos Toribio Merino replied that "such is the jungle of . . . economic life. A jungle of savage beasts, where he who can kill the one next to him, kills him. That is reality." But before such a savage nirvana of pure competition and risk could be attained, a dictatorship was needed to force Chileans to accept the values of consumerism, individualism, and passive rather than participatory democracy. "Democracy is not an end in itself," said Pinochet in a 1979 speech written by two of Friedman's disciples, but a conduit to a truly "free society" that protected absolute economic freedom. Friedman hedged on the relationship between capitalism and dictatorship, but his former students were consistent: "A person's actual freedom," said Finance Minister de Castro, "can only be ensured through an authoritarian regime that exercises power by implementing equal rules for everyone." "Public opinion," he admitted, "was very much against [us], so we needed a strong personality to maintain the policy." Jeane Kirkpatrick was among those who traveled to Chile to pay respect to the pioneer, lauding Pinochet for his economic initiatives. "The Chilean economy is a great success," the ambassador said, "everyone knows it, or they should know it." She was dispatched by Reagan shortly after his 1981 inauguration to "normalize completely [Washington's] relations with Chile in order to work together in a pleasant way," including the removal of economic and arms sanctions and the revocation of Carter's "discriminatory" human rights policy. Such pleasantries, though, didn't include meeting with the relatives of the disappeared, commenting on the recent deportation of leading opposition figures, or holding Pinochet responsible for the 1976 car bomb execution of Orlando Letelier, Allende's ambassador to the US, in Washington's Dupont Circle - all issues Kirkpatrick insisted would be resolved with "quiet diplomacy." Setting aside the struggles surrounding religion, race, and sexuality that give American politics its unique edge, it was in Chile where the New Right first executed its agenda of defining democracy in terms of economic freedom and restoring the power of the executive branch. Under Pinochet's firm hand, the country, according to prominent Chicago graduate Cristin Larroulet, became a "pioneer in the world trend toward forms of government based on a free social order." Its privatized pension system, for example, is today held up as a model for the transformation of Social Security, with Bush having received advice from Chilean economist Jos Piera, also a Chicago student, on how to do so in 1997. Pinochet "felt he was making history," said Piera, "he wanted to be ahead of both Reagan and Thatcher." Friedman too saw himself in the vanguard. "In every generation," he is quoted in his flattering New York Times obituary, which spares just a sentence on his role in Chile, "there's got to be somebody who goes the whole way, and that's why I believe as I do." And trailblazer both men were, harbinger of a brave and merciless new world. But if Pinochet's revolution was to spread throughout Latin America and elsewhere, it first had to take hold in the United States. And even as the dictator was "torturing people so prices could be free," as Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano once mordantly observed, the insurgency that would come to unite behind Ronald Reagan was gathering steam. Today, Pinochet is under house arrest for his brand of "shock therapy," and Friedman is dead. But the world they helped usher in survives, in increasingly grotesque form. What was considered extreme in Chile in 1975 has now become the norm in the US today: a society where the market defines the totality of human fulfillment, and a government that tortures in the name of freedom. Greg Grandin teaches Latin American history at NYU and is the author of the Empire's Workshop: Latin America, The United States, and The Rise of the New Imperialism, from which this essay has been excerpted. He can be reached at: gjg4 [at] nyu.edu ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- - David Shove shove001 [at] tc.umn.edu rhymes with clove Progressive Calendar over 2225 subscribers as of 12.19.02 please send all messages in plain text no attachments To GO DIRECTLY to an item, eg --------8 of x-------- do a find on --8
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