Progressive Calendar 11.02.06
From: David Shove (shove001tc.umn.edu)
Date: Thu, 2 Nov 2006 02:25:29 -0800 (PST)
              P R O G R E S S I V E   C A L E N D A R    11.02.06

1. Art & war/panel    11.02 7pm

2. Ffunch             11.03 11:30am
3. Mn out!/GLBTA conf 11.03-04 4pm
4. Palestine vigil    11.03 4:15pm
5. Watada resists     11.03 6pm
6. Vote stealing      11.03 7pm
7. Save choice/SD/WI  11.03-05

8. David Shove      - Mn Daily Election Guide has NO Greens
9. Charles Sullivan - Who will stand up when America goes wrong?
10. Zoltan Grossman - Anti-war movement recharge: get local, stay positive
11. ed              - Evil races  (poem)

--------1 of 11--------

From: Jane Powers <janepow [at] earthlink.net>
Subject: Art & war/panel 11.02 7pm

Art and War:  Panel Discussion
Camille Gage, John Kinder and Colleen Sheehy

Thursday, November 2
7:00 p.m
Cowles Auditorium
Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs
301 19th Avenue S (West Bank, Un. of Minnesota)

How are contemporary artists responding to the war in Iraq?
How have artists addressed issues raised by past wars?
Join three speakers who take on these questions.

jane powers janepow [at] earthlink.net 612.823.6921


-------2 of 11-------

From: David Shove <shove001 [at] tc.umn.edu>
Subject: Ffunch 11.03 11:30am

Meet the FFUNCH BUNCH!
11:30am-1pm
First Friday Lunch (FFUNCH) for Greens/progressives.

Informal political talk and hanging out.

Day By Day Cafe 477 W 7th Av St Paul.
Meet in the private room (holds 12+).

Day By Day has soups, salads, sandwiches, and dangerous apple pie; is
close to downtown St Paul & on major bus lines


--------3 of 11--------

From: Lydia Howell <lhowell [at] visi.com>
Subject: Mn out!/GLBTA conf 11.03-04 4pm

Minnesota OUT! Campus Conference
November 3-4, 2006
Coffman Union and Radisson Hotel

The MN GLBTA Campus Alliance presents its first annual statewide
conference for students, staff, faculty and alumni working for change on
Minnesota campuses!

Highlights include:  Friday night dinner, dance and reception; keynote
addresses by transgender health educator Samuel Lurie and out! state
legislators Karen Clark and Scott Dibble; Saturday luncheon and resource
fair; networking with GLBTA campus communities from across the state;
and over 15 engaging workshops on a wide range of topics and issues!

Meals, workshops and entertainment -- all for only $25!  Scholarships also
available; register via web, email or fax.  Please contact Ross at
neely010 [at] umn.edu or 612-626-3064 for more information, and visit
http://www.mnglbta.org/mocc.

The following trans-related workshops and keynote speech are part of the
MN OUT! Campus Conference:

WORKSHOP:
Raising Transgender Health Awareness
Presenters: Max Gries and Breonna Mason from the Minnesota Transgender
Health Coalition
Friday, Nov. 3, 2006
4:00-5:30 p.m.
Location: University of Minnesota, East Bank Campus, Coffman Union Room 319
http://www.onestop.umn.edu/Maps/CMU/

In this dynamic and interactive workshop, we will first provide an
introduction to transgender, transsexual, genderqueer and gender variant
health concerns. We'll present information and lead a dialogue on
navigating the health care system for trans people, including where to go
for information and resources, the need for doing your own research, and
expectations of and communication with health professionals.  Finally, we
will talk about the current activities and future plans of the Minnesota
Transgender Health Coalition ( www.mntranshealth.org), and discuss how our
organization can assist campus communities across Minnesota.

KEYNOTE SPEECH & DINNER:
Gender U: Transgender issues in higher education
by Samuel Lurie (see bio above)
Friday, Nov. 3, 2006
6:00-8:00 p.m.
Location: University of Minnesota East Bank Campus, Radisson University
Hotel, 615 Washington Avenue S.E. in Minneapolis  see
http://www.radisson.com/minneapolismn_metrodome

As the visibility and activism of transgender and gender-variant students
has grown, school administrators, faculty and staff need to increase their
understanding of basic issues related to the transgender experience. This
presentation will increase the awareness and comfort for participants on
this topic as well as help set up a framework for identifying barriers and
for problem-solving at an institutional level.  We will examine general
terms and concepts, distinctions between gender identity and sexual
orientation, understand changes in campus culture as it relates to gender
diversity, and identify some specific campus needs and effective
approaches.

WORKSHOP:
Trans Campus Initiatives & Ally Activation
Presenter: Samuel Lurie (see bio above)
Saturday, Nov. 4, 2006
10:15-11:45 a.m.
Location: University of Minnesota, East Bank Campus, Coffman Union Room 326
http://www.onestop.umn.edu/Maps/CMU/

The need for transgender awareness on our campuses is great, but what are
you going to do about it? This highly interactive session is designed for
students at all levels of personal awareness on transgender student
issues, current AND potential student leaders, who want to identify
specific campus needs and strategies to address them; what it means to be
an "ally"; resources and skills to educate the campus on transgender
issues; and more.


--------4 of 11--------

From: erin [at] mnwomen.org
Subject: Palestine vigil 11.03 4:15pm

Friday, November 3: Women Against Military Madness (WAMM) Vigil to End the
Occupation of Palestine. 4:15-5:30 at Summit and Snelling in St. Paul. All
are welcome- please bring sings. For more info call 612/827-5364 or email
wamm [at] mtn.org.


--------5 of 11--------

From: Lydia Howell <lhowell [at] visi.com>
Subject: Watada resists 11.03 6pm

Support Lt. Ehren Watada
First U.S. Military Officer to Publicly Resist Illegal War and Occupation
of Iraq
www.ThankYouLt.org

Come and hear Mr. Bob Watada (Father of Lt. Ehren Watada)

(Previewed by the showing of "Sir No Sir" a documentary about GI
resistance during the Vietnam War

Friday Night November 3, 6pm (NOTE TIME!)

O'Shaughnessy Education Center Auditorium
University of St.Thomas- St.Paul Campus
(Cleveland and Summit Avenues, enter off Cleveland)

CoSponsored by Minnesota Chapter 27 of Veterans For Peace and St. Thomas
Peace and Justice Studies Department

Why Does LT. Watada Need My Support?

Lt. Watada has been charged with "contemptuous words" towards President
Bush (that he "betrayed our trust" by "misleading" us into war), and
conduct unbecoming an officer. These charges represent the first military
persecution of an objector for First Amendment speech since 1965.
Including the charge for not deploying to Iraq, Lt. Watada faces over
seven years in military prison.

Lt. Watada Speaks Out
I refuse to be silent and longer. I refuse to watch families torn apart,
while the President tells us to "stay the course". I refuse to be party
to an illegal and immoral war against people who did nothing to deserve
our aggression. I wanted to be there for my fellow troops. But the best
way was not to help drop artillery and cause more death and destruction.
It is to help oppose this war and end it so that all soldiers can come home.

My President, you have violated: Article 1 of the Constitution by
deceiving Congress, Article 2 of the U.N. Charter, U.N. Gen Assembly Res.
3314 and the Nuremburg Tribunal Charter barring wars of aggression, and
many other international and domestic laws. As a commissioned officer of
the U.S. Armed Forces my legal and moral obligation is to the
Constitution-not to those who would issue unlawful orders. It is my duty
to refuse to fight this illegal war.

FFI Barry Riesch 651-641-1087 Or VFP office 612-821-9141


--------6 of 11--------

From: Jennifer J. Thomas <jjthomas [at] skypoint.com>
Subject: Vote stealing 11.03 7pm

Friday, Nov 3, 7:00 pm, FUS, Lower Assembly

Twin Cities premiere of this 70-minute documentary by EMMY-winning,
OSCAR-nominated filmmaker Dorothy Fadiman.  Discussion with the filmmaker
and MN computer security consultant will follow.

The film documents significant irregularities in the Presidential election
of 2004 while underscoring the fact that election fraud and reform are not
partisan issues. The film weaves together dramatic behind-the-scenes
experiences of poll workers, computer security experts, journalists,
politicians, activists and voters of all ages. Free and open to the
public.  Free popcorn plus a small donation for pizza and beverages.

Co-Sponsored by Social Action at FUS, MUUSJA, and Association of
Universalist Women (AUW) at First Universalist Church.  For info, contact
Jennifer Jewell Thomas 612-920-2653, jjthomas [at] skypoint.com

Jennifer Jewell Thomas jjthomas [at] skypoint.com Home: 612-920-4246 Mobile:
612-386-5724


--------7 of 11--------

From: ACLU <action [at] dcaclu.org>
Subject: Save choice/SD/WI  11.03-05
Minnesotans: Make a Difference Next Weekend in South Dakota or

To All Liberty Loving People in Minnesota:

Your neighbors in South Dakota need your help. Join us in Sioux Falls,
South Dakota, next weekend, November 3-5, to help local activists repeal
South Dakota's Abortion Ban.

South Dakota is the scene of a major showdown over reproductive freedom.
After their state passed a ban on virtually all abortions, pro-choice
South Dakotans came together and took the anti-choice zealots by surprise
when they collected more than twice the necessary signatures to place a
referendum on the ballot to allow the people of South Dakota to repeal the
ban.

We will cover most of your expenses as you hit the streets and canvas with
other volunteers. The ACLU will provide transportation (or mileage
reimbursement in some cirsumstances), a shared hotel room, most meals
(including vegetarian), as well as lots of hot chocolate and cookies for
those hitting the doors and turning the tide in this critical election
effort.

If you are able to travel to Sioux Falls to volunteer with our campaign
partner, the South Dakota Campaign for Healthy Families, we're looking for
volunteers to arrive on Friday evening and return home on Sunday afternoon
or night.

Please email rfp [at] aclu.org if you are able to travel to Sioux Falls to
volunteer with the South Dakota Campaign for Healthy Families, and tell
us:

*  The city and state where you live
*  The best email address and phone number to contact you at
*  The number of people who will be joining you
*  Whether you are able to drive with a group of your friends if we
don't get a bus (mileage will be reimbursed).

Once we assess interest in your state, we will be in touch to let you know
about the travel options available.

South Dakota has become a battleground between those who believe that our
most private decisions should be made by individuals and those who want to
put such decisions in the government's hands.  Your volunteer time is
critical to win this fight.

*** HELP ALSO NEEDED IN WISCONSIN ***

A Wisconsin ballot initiative would prevent ALL unmarried couples, gay or
straight, from accessing the protections that come with civil unions and
domestic partnership.

If enacted, this marriage and civil unions ban would seriously endanger
existing legal protections for all unmarried couples, gay or straight,
including:

*  Hospital visitation in emergency situations
*  Being able to share health insurance
*  The ability to make life and death decisions
*  The right to a partner's pension

To learn more about the campaign and the 200 rights, responsibilities and
protections that would be denied to Wisconsin families if this
constitutional ban on civil unions and marriage is passed, visit:
http://action.aclu.org/site/R?i=0ta0fMhg7lN_rWOquHr6ow..

To get involved in the Wisconsin campaign, email ACLU organizer Nora at
nranney [at] aclu.org or call (646) 506-5560.

We hope you'll join us!  As a friend of the ACLU, you value autonomy,
freedom of expression and equality all values counter to these
initiatives.  Standing with our neighbors in Wisconsin or South Dakota
will make an important statement to policymakers in our own state as well
as send an important message nationwide that the Midwest is no place for
singling out people for discrimination and limiting a woman's right to
choose.


--------8 of 11--------

From: David Shove <shove001 [at] tc.umn.edu>
Subject: Mn Daily Election Guide has NO Greens

The Minnesota Daily for Wednesday November 1 2006 is in two sections, A
and B.

B is 10 pages long, all of it entitled "Election Guide 2006."

B1 is a full page graphic.

B2 is full of names and pictures of candidates.

For governor: Pawlenty, Hatch, Hutchinson. No Pentel

For US Senator: Kennedy, Klobucar, Fitzgerald. No Cavlan.

and so on, for AG & US Rep CD5

No Greens listed or pictured. 8 more pages, going into detail about R D
and I. Not a word on G.

The editor of this "guide" is Jim Hammerand, _jhammerand [at] mndaily.com_
(mailto:jhammerand [at] mndaily.com)

Please write to Jim immediately and let him know that this is unacceptable
for an academic, tax-payer funded, publication.

I hope this injustice is mentioned and condemned at the Green Party press
conference tomorrow at 11am at the Capitol.

The League of Women Voters, MPR, and the UofM have excluded Green
candidates this season. The U gets MUCH more tax money than the other two.
So it should be the fairest. I find this exclusion the worst so far.
Brazen. No explanation given by the editor - just exclusion. As many as
80,000 - 90,00 U students may use this "guide" in Tuesday's election. How
many lost votes?


--------9 of 11--------

Who Will Stand Up When America Goes Wrong?
The Spoils of Corruption
By CHARLES SULLIVAN
CounterPunch
November 1, 2006

Like many Americans, since early childhood I was taught that good always
triumphs over evil. But as I grew older and acquainted myself with the
history of my country, my perspective became less nave and better
informed. My perceptions of reality were altered forever, and I am forced
to live, like so many of my readers, with the burden of knowledge that
often makes reality painful to bear.

America could have been very different, but it has become a land of
unfathomable corruption. It is a place where money rules and lords power
over everyone and every process. Corruption has lodged itself in every
tissue and every organ of our societal institutions, and riddled them with
crippling disease. Perhaps more than any organ it has blinded our ability
to see what is before us.

The root of corruption stems from America's love affair with private
wealth and conquest. We are a culturally shallow and spiritually deprived
people who seem incapable of discerning truth from fairy tales. This may
be a matter of convenience for some and a survival mechanism to others.

There are three primary cultural pillars that are the underpinning of our
society: government, media, and religion. It is widely assumed that these
institutions exist to serve the people. Whatever their intent when they
were birthed in the minds and hearts of their creators, these institutions
were subverted and used to subdue and control the masses; to make them
subservient to power. Virtually everything we believe about America is
contradicted by the evidence, but too many of us are unwilling to come to
grips with reality, which thus assures the continuation of a brutal and
tortuous history of murder and conquest.

In a wonderful essay titled The Problem is Civil Obedience, historian
Howard Zinn wrote, "I start from the supposition that the world is
topsy-turvy, that the wrong people are in jail and the wrong people are
out of jail, that the wrong people are in power and the wrong people are
out of power" Zinn, as usual, sums up the situation perfectly. But the
great majority refuses to see things as they really are. They prefer fairy
tales to truth that is too painful for them to acknowledge and to bear;
and so the charade continues.

Those on the far right of the political spectrum are fond of saying that
America is a Christian nation, when, in fact, nothing could be farther
from the truth. The framers of the Constitution, especially Thomas
Jefferson, took great pains to keep America from evolving into a
Theocracy. Even so, religion should provide a moral compass that steers
its participants away from corruption and moral morass. Yet with only a
comparatively few exceptions, religion is used against its followers. It
serves wealth and power, and keeps the masses ignorant, and subservient to
the hierarchy of the church, which is in collusion with the money changers
in government.

Organized religion, like the mainstream media and the government, is
controlled by the wealthy and powerful. It serves the high priests of
capitalism and is little more than an enabler of corruption and conquest.
Let us not forget that Manifest Destiny was driven by a puritanical
zealotry that resulted in the ethnic cleansing of a continent. The
collusion of religion with material wealth lends a false aura of moral
authority to disingenuous and misguided human behaviors that follow
immoral government into war after war. Thus the rich continue to exploit
the working people for the benefit of the ruling class.

At some point in our history Jesus of Nazareth was supplanted by Pat
Robertson and Jerry Falwell. The Jesus who despised the wealthy and
believed in service to the poor, who in anger overturned the tables of the
money changers, no longer exists within the American psyche. Unlike Jesus,
Robertson and Falwell believe in accruing wealth to themselves and in
assassinating their enemies. They work hand in hand with the morally
bankrupt leadership that has invaded and occupies 135 of the world's 192
nations. The genuine article has somehow given way to the counterfeit, and
too many of us are unable to tell the difference.

In a purer form organized religion - in this case Christianity, would be
revolutionary and radical; and it would serve as a bulwark against the
accumulation of private affluence in favor of public service, and a
massive redistribution of wealth and power. It would find itself, like any
conscientious individual, in formal opposition to the conventions of
government and society, rather than an enabler of them. But that clearly
is not the case these days.

The church, like all things American, more closely resembles a for profit
corporation than a place where human souls are instructed in righteous
behavior and healed.

Similarly, the naive among us broadly assume that the mainstream media
exists to inform the people, and thus serves as a countervailing force
against corruption and malfeasance. In truth the corporate media serves
those in power rather than holding them accountable to the people. While
it was not always so, the mainstream media, like organized religion, is
used to program public perceptions - to steer us away from truth and to
perpetuate fairy tales that extol the virtues of bribery, violence, and
greed. It makes useful idiots of those who cannot think for themselves and
persuades them to act like fools in the eyes of the world.

>From the days of Tom Paine we have regressed to an era in which news
anchors are rewarded for their loyalty to political regimes by being
awarded positions in government. Tom Paine and the spirit of public
service have given way to Tony Snow and Katie Couric, and the creation of
media celebrities. The boundary between government and media, between
church and state and corporate power, no longer exists. They are all
interchangeable parts in a machine that makes a mockery of social justice
and human freedoms.

Gone are the days of radical, revolutionary religion in America. Gone are
the days of Thomas Jefferson and Samuel Adams, when a just and Democratic
Republic seemed possible. Gone are the days of Tom Paine and the militant
press that challenged corrupt power. The hands of time are no longer
moving forward; we have reversed them. Once again the dark ages loom large
on the horizon before us like an unseen iceberg in the chill dark of an
Atlantic night.

Charles Sullivan is a photographer, free lance writer and social activist
residing in the hinterland of West Virginia. He welcomes your comments at
csullivan [at] phreego.com.


--------10 of 11--------

Get Local, Stay Positive
Recharging the Anti-War Movement
By ZOLTAN GROSSMAN
CounterPunch
November 2, 2006

Across the country, actions and rallies against the war in Iraq appear to
have reached a peak, and membership numbers of many peace groups has hit a
ceiling. The main problem is not that the U.S. public supports the war;
polls show that two-thirds favor a withdrawal. It is that this antiwar
majority has not been inspired to act. Even in most progressive
communities, it's almost impossible to tell that there's a war on, even as
our communities that have been hit by war-related budget cuts. The main
burden of this war within the United States has been on youth who are
losing their friends, and military families who are losing their loved
ones. No one has to tell them that there's a war going on, but few people
on the right or left are listening to them (just as past generations of
veterans were initially not listened to). Instead, simplistic
"Bush-bashing" substitutes for educating and mobilizing the public against
a brutal war against that has now spanned three administrations.

Most U.S. citizens understand that economic power is concentrated in
corporate hands, that the two political parties have merged, that
presidents bomb foreign countries to detract attention from domestic
troubles. So why aren't they joining peace and justice groups? It may be
partly that the insulated middle-class progressive culture creates a
political language that ordinary people cannot understand, and cedes the
majority culture to the conservatives. History confirms that German
progressives were making boring speeches in the 1930s, while the Nazis
were forming chorale groups, hiking societies, and theater troupes. In the
era of fast-paced corporate advertising, we sometimes just chant slogans
and send out mass e-mails. We celebrate political folk musicians (some of
whom I like a lot), without remembering that hip-hop, metal and country
music reach far more people.

Many progressives understand that the Iraq War is illegal and criminal,
yet feel too disempowered to act, or think they have nothing to offer. But
being aware without getting involved is like seeing smoke in a theater
without shouting 'Fire!' Just as Bush should not pass on this war to the
next administration, it is our responsibility not to pass on this war to
another generation. Here in Washington state, Veterans for Peace members
have reached literally thousands of people this year through tabling at
the state fair, marching in community parades, and leafleting high school
youth on military recruitment. This kind of education may appear
undramatic or even mundane, but changing public consciousness (one mind at
a time) is the most important work we can be doing. The actions of this
and other groups inspired me to develop ten points on possible directions
in organizing and activism that the antiwar movement can be taking to
expand its base in the U.S., as a contribution to a discussion that is
growing across the country.

                          1. Reach new people

Both the antiwar and prowar movements tend to preach to their respective
choirs, and view society as polarized between two binary black-and-white
positions. But on any issue, there are not simply two sides, but at least
four sides. Whatever your ideology, there are others who agree or disagree
with your position, but not always for the same reasons. First, we tend to
talk to the people that we see as taking the right position for the right
reasons (in this case, opposing the war because it is an injustice to both
Iraqis and Americans). Second, we avoid talking with those who are wrong
for the wrong reasons (those who support the war because they want the
U.S. to dominate Iraq). The antiwar movement spends far too much time
talking to the first group, and complaining about the virtually
unchangable second group.

But there are two other groups that are not as commonly addressed, who
potentially could expand the base of the movement if they are effectively
engaged. There is the third group of people who are wrong for the right
reasons. For example, they backed the Afghan war in order to "liberate
women," or back the Iraq occupation in order to "prevent civil war." They
take a position that we disagree with, but have managed to convince
themselves that they are serving humanity in the process. If they can be
convinced that their premises are flawed, and if they truly have good
hearts, they may be moved into the peace camp.

Then there is the fourth group of people who are right for the wrong
reasons. For example, they oppose the occupation because they see it as a
"Jewish conspiracy," or believe that Iraqis are too "uncivilized" to rule
themselves. Similar people opposed the NAFTA or the Dubai port deal only
because they were bad for the U.S. Though it may be difficult to dialogue
with people having such a racist perspective, a few of these people may
also be moved closer to our views, since they are already open to an
antiwar argument. In both the third and fourth group, we can open the door
by starting where we agree (such as discussing the Pentagon's unpopular
"stop-loss" policy). We can recognize that most North Americans have a
split consciousness that contains both progressive and conservative
impulses, and help direct their anger toward the structures that really
created their daily problems. Social change is all about people changing
their minds. If we assume their views are permanently fixed, we have
already given up on making change.

                     2. Tap into creativity

Learning from the past is critical to changing the future, but so is
reinventing the present. Oftentimes, the peace movement repeats the same
tactics and strategies that we have long been familiar with - such as
lobbying, national demonstrations, and civil disobedience. Although all of
these are necessary tactics, they have become old hat to many activists,
and too predictable (or even boring) to the public. Old-style tactics
reach a certain progressive audience, but does not succeed as well in
reaching the uncommitted. In this wired age, we should be using text
messages, sports, and catchy visuals, not just foreign policy analyses and
peace doves. Experienced activists should be listened to for their
knowledge of successes and pitfalls, yet they should also listen to newer
activists for their knowedge of how people join the movement. Activist
trainings do not need to convey organizing formulas, but can encourage
activists to create their own methods appropropriate to their own
generations. We should also be open to entirely new ideas or tactics,
especially from younger people, instead of habitually adopting methods or
slogans of the past. As a New York activist once said, "A Slogan,
Exhausted, Shall Never Be Repeated!".

But ultimately, creating change is not just about knowledge, but about
action. Many people agree that the war needs to be stopped, but don't see
anyone actively doing anything to stop it. Visible actions have a way of
galvanizing a response, and of bringing people out of the woodwork.
Despite the strong peace sentiment in Olympia, it was difficult last year
to tell that there was a war on. That changed suddenly this Spring, when
Fort Lewis began to ship Stryker armored vehicles to Iraq through our
port. Almost spontaneously, local students and others blocked the Strykers
in downtown streets, and rallied at the port in the face of a harsh police
crackdown. Instead of waiting for a national network or party to develop a
strategy to end the war, the activists decided to focus on a local target,
and in doing so showed the global media that not all U.S. citizens are
apathetic about the war.

The Port protests were followed by the refusal of Lt. Ehren Watada to
deploy to Iraq. The same protesters began to hold banners over
Interstate-5 near Fort Lewis to support Watada and other military
resisters. In our local area, we have an interesting and rare
juxtaposition of a strongly antiwar community next to a large military
base community. The purpose of actions at a military base should be not
simply to express our own frustration about the war, but to support
resistance in the ranks. Around the time of the court martial this winter,
supporters of Lt. Watada are planning a "Citizens' Hearing on the Legality
of U.S. Actions in Iraq" to put the war itself on trial. A seemingly local
conflict around one base can have a national or even global impact.

              3. Use both activism and organizing

The terms "activism" and "organizing" are usually used interchangeably,
though they are really quite different. The terms are also not mutually
exclusive. "Activism" is getting together people who are already
convinced, in order to act on their conviction. It has the positive
attribute of setting the agenda, and going on the offensive, instead of
simply responding to crises. "Organizing" is building a movement by
attracting new people, to keep it alive and kicking, and to mobilize
people to join an on-going campaign on a continual basis. Organizing is
the art of convincing the unconvinced, and the science of building
relationships with people from different walks of life. Rather than
externally exhorting people to resist, we can get information to people so
they can internally reach the conclusion that they want to resist.

But what we often see today is "activism without organizing": small groups
of friends taking on enormous institutions, failing to reach out to (or
even alienating) others, and risking social isolation, weakness, and
burnout. A non-organizer activist will travel many miles to distant
actions, but fail to build a movement at home (or use group networking and
inward-looking events as a substitute for organizing.) They beat their
heads against the wall, rather than getting many people to hammer at the
wall, or outfox the system by finding ways around the wall. They feel that
because they are morally correct, they don't have to care as much about
being effective. A parallel problem is "organizing without activism":
educating and getting many new people to join the movement, but not
offering them anything effective to change the situation, except the
pressure politics of "advocacy" (or begging those in office to listen). A
non-activist organizer ends up jumping through the system's political or
legal "hoops," and expresses frustration or despair once those remedies
have been exhausted.

Peace groups need both "organizing" to build the movement, and "activism"
to deepen its impact. A balance of organizing and activism can help avoid
the obvious shortcomings of both. A balance means getting outside our
usual circles of friends and reaching people who have not been reached
before. It means covering a wide range of effective tactics - from
letter-writing to creative direct actions - so everyone can plug in where
they can risk doing so. It means not overestimating the factual knowledge
that ordinary people have, but also not underestimating their intelligence
and wisdom once they have the facts. Effective organizer/activists do not
talk over people's heads, or talk down to people. They have faith in the
ability of people to understand and change. Above all, effective
grassroots organizing in this era of corporate advertising means making
some real link to people's everyday lives (in a way they can see, hear and
feel), not just dry facts.

                  4. Get out of the progressive ghettos

The white progressive/radical movement has long been concentrated in
particular urban neighborhoods, and the "college towns" such as Madison,
Berkeley, Cambridge, Olympia, etc. On one hand, we may feel comfortable
walking around a neighborhood with anti-Bush bumperstickers and Tibetan
prayer flags. Yet on the other hand, we may come to realize that
capitalism needs these progressive ghettos. They keep radicals isolated,
talking only with each other, and not influencing or learning from other
people. (In these ghettos, we also think we can buy our way out of
corporate control - with organic food, green energy, or bottled
water--instead of organizing to change poisonous conditions for everyone.)
There are countless people in these communities who are against the war
for the right reasons, but who are too busy or comfortable in the
progressive bubble; getting them involved may mean putting on
creative/artistic or kid-friendly events.

We are far more effective when we make connections outside of these
communities. Even at the height of martial law in the Philippines, the
dictator Ferdinand Marcos held back his security forces from cracking down
on leftist students and faculty at the University of the Philippines. He
allowed them to organize protests on campus so they could blow off steam,
and so he could avoid negative global publicity. But when the students
started to make links with peasants, workers, tribal peoples, and other
sectors off campus, they suddenly started "disappearing." The regime dealt
harshly with those student activists who became effective organizers, and
who networked with other grassroots organizers.

It is a huge mistake for urban progressives to view smaller cities or
rural areas as cultural-political wastelands, and create a vacuum that
cedes these areas to conservatives. We can use our more open cities and
neighborhoods as a base, but support issues outside them. In particular,
medium-size cities are where the battle for the heart and soul of America
is taking place-cities such as LaCrosse, Wis., Yakima, Wash., or York, Pa.
They are not so small that people are afraid of rocking the boat, and not
so large that most people who have opinions have already expressed them.
There is room for the movement to grow in these cities, but not enough
outside support yet for local groups doing the slow, unglamorous work of
education and organizing.

                     5. Organize strategically

We are often told that the path to political change winds through the
halls of Congress and the halls of justice. Although legislative and legal
strategies can bring about political shifts, it is almost always based on
begging someone more "powerful" to support our cause. But who really has
"power" in this society when it comes to questions of war and peace? The
path to change may wind instead through the halls of our high schools and
the halls of our military barracks, and within the consciousness of our
military community and military-age youth. Some people have political
"power" far out of proportion to their numbers, but most of them don't
realize it yet.

Active-duty GIs, reservists, veterans, and military families together make
up the military community. Just as women are the best people to organize
women, and immigrants are the best people to organize other immigrants,
the best people to educate and organize GIs are members of this military
community - now organized in groups such as Iraq Veterans Against the War,
Veterans for Peace, Military Families Speak Out, and many more. During
Vietnam, peace groups set up GI coffeehouses near bases. Unlike in the
Vietnam and Gulf wars, peace groups can now reach GIs directly through the
Internet. In the 21st century, we can set up virtual GI "cybercafes" -
websites that provide information, resources, and a place for anonymous
dialogue among GIs (and their families) in a particular military base, to
make links between the military community and the peace movement.

High schools have become the other battleground for the hearts and minds
of American youth. Military recruiters have poured enormous resources into
the high schools to convince students to join the armed forces. By the
time they leave high school, students have decided whether or not to
enlist, or (in the case of 18-year-old males) whether to register for the
draft. Yet the peace movement has focused much of its energies on
university campuses, where important and creative organizing is being
done, but too late for many military-age youth. Much of the focus of
traditional peace groups toward high school students and GIs has usually
been to facilitate open, individual resistance, such as Conscientious
Objection among draft-age youth or GIs. COs have played a heroic role in
the peace movement for many decades, but it may be more effective to
identify more low-level, discreet and collective means that they can use
to slow down the war machine.

                6. Don't wait for conditions to change

It often seems that antiwar people are waiting for conditions to change -
to dramatically improve or worsen - before they seriously believe that
peace is possible. I often hear, for example, that a draft would equitably
distribute the burden of war, and increase resistance among students and
GIs. But during Vietnam there were plenty of loopholes for white,
upper/middle-class youth to evade the draft, and the most active GI
resisters were enlistees. Many progressives, disheartened by Bush's two
election "victories," assume that change is only possible through a new
president. One reason for the lethargy in the peace movement is that so
many antiwar people put their eggs in the Kerry basket in 2004, and still
can't get over that election. Some young people (who have only known Bush
as president) even idealize Democratic administrations.

Yet it was Jimmy Carter who declared an "energy war," established the
Central Command in the Middle East, accelerated the nuclear arms race, and
revived draft registration. It was Bill Clinton who repeatedly bombed
Iraq, enforced draconian sanctions on the Iraqi people, and bombed Serbia
and a few other countries. The new crop of candidates include many
familiar faces - Hillary, Kerry, Clark-who backed those wars, or who voted
for the Iraq War. While we may think in terms of "red" vs. blue" counties,
many people view the dichotomy as between "elitist" and "populist"
candidates of both parties. We should support populist candidates who
support a withdrawal, but even then should exercise caution. There is no
"quick fix."

As we approach the 2008 races, some activists are deciding whether to join
electoral campaigns. It is the kiss of death for any movement to drop
issue-based organizing for sake of a temporary fix in the next election.
Staying involved in peace organizing keeps the heat on Bush-and whomever
replaces him-more effectively. If we keep the Iraq War as a central issue
in our society (such as through local referenda), we will have built a
movement that will last even if an peace candidate loses. If our preferred
candidates win, a stronger movement will be able hold their feet to the
fire. The time to build a movement is not after Bush stumbles or is
replaced. The time is now.

                          7. Watch TV

I am baffled every time I talk with a peace activist about a TV news
interview or a critical program, and the activist stops me to proudly
proclaim that "we don't have a TV." This is a sure-fire sign of an
activist who has no interest in being an organizer. How in the world can
we educate or organize people around an issue if we don't know what bogus
"facts" and myths that the people are already receiving? How can we talk
with them if we don't have an understanding of mass culture as a common
language? Joking about a TV drama or comedy is often a frame of reference
that can open a conversation, and shows that we don't see ourselves as
superior.

I understand if progressives are protecting their kids, but the kids
eventually go to bed. I also understand if they don't want to sacrifice
their souls, and turn their brains into mush with overly large doses of
TV. But thousands of people have gone to jail (or even died) to fight war
and injustice in this country's history. Why can't we make the sacrifice
of laughing at an episode of Barbershop on Showtime? Not every program is
like Survivor or Deal or No Deal; some programs actually try to critique
society, and are probably safe to consume in small doses.

Many progressive activists attack "mainstream" people as nothing but
consumers and TV watchers, without recognizing that people are passive
because they feel powerless, and feel they have limited choices in their
lives. Television is a critical part of shaping collective consciousness
in the U.S. Just as the Latin American rebel has to know the rainforest,
and the Middle Eastern rebel has to know the deserts or mountains, the
North American rebel has to know television. It is our wilderness - our
jungle - that we ignore at our peril. It may make us uncomfortable, but we
must not become so isolated that we can only talk with others who don't
have a TV.

                  8. Don't get overwhelmed by the odds

The occupation of Iraq has been going on for more than three long years,
run by a president who has prevailed in two elections. Civil liberties
have been limited, and with each terrorism scare, state repression and
media hysteria grow more intense. In the face of these seemingly
unshakeable realities, many progressives either throw up their hands in
despair, become obsessed with the backlash they face when they speak out,
or assume that a greater amount of repression will generate a greater
amount of public resistance.

Yet elsewhere in the world (and in other periods of U.S. history),
political organizers faced far greater obstacles and far greater
repression, yet persevered by not letting it limit their resistance. In
the Philippines, for example, dissenters during martial law faced media
censorship, torture, disappearances, and a rubberstamp parliament - the
Patriot Act pales in comparison. Yet by creatively organizing at the
grassroots, and focusing not just on ending repression but on more
positive, inspiring visions of the future, they formed powerful
issue-based movements. I saw activists repeatedly winning victories
against the dictatorship - stopping nuclear plants and hydro dams, and
eventually closing huge U.S. military bases. It is not the level of
resistance or repression that determines a movement's success, but the
level of empowerment and powerlessness.

Any successful movement should expect repression, and defend everyone's
civil liberties. The worst mistake to focus only on the repression of one
part of society, such as academics. It is elitist to assume that academics
have an "escape clause" that other activists do not have, or that white
activists should be protected from government abuses that have long
targeted activists of color. As the Native American poet John Trudell once
summed up the situation: "When I go around in America and I see the bulk
of the white people, they do not feel oppressed; they feel powerless. When
I go amongst my people, we do not feel powerless; we feel oppressed."

                     9. Look at the positive

George W. Bush is crashing and burning. Not only are his poll numbers at
the lowest ever, but 73 percent of U.S. troops in Iraq told the Zogby Poll
that they want a complete withdrawal within one year. The Iraqi Shi'ites
(Saddam's foremost enemies) are increasingly turning against the
occupation, which may begin to collapse not gradually but catastrophically
- like a house of cards. The so-called "War on Terror"  does not elicit
the same U.S. public reaction as the so-called "Cold War"  did for four
decades. Bush has to lie so much about the Iraq War precisely because he
understands that the U.S. public would oppose the war if it knew the
truth. We may often see the public as nave and gullible, but the
right-wing understands it has to spend billions of dollars to keep it that
way-which actually says something good about our people.

The U.S. peace movement often underestimates its own potential. The
movement (and GI resisters) helped to shorten the Vietnam War, by
recognizing that our military could not defeat the Vietnamese. The peace
movement prevented a full-scale invasion of Nicaragua and El Salvador in
the 1980s, as it helped to end apartheid in South Africa. It mobilized the
largest peace protests ever before the Iraq War, and now is regrouping on
a global scale to demand an end to the occupation. Why are the grassroots
movements such a challenge to the empire? Because they talk about
democracy not simply as an exercise in voting, but as increasing our
direct control over our economy, our culture, our land, our daily lives.
Because instead of simply begging political officials to change their
minds, they initiate change themselves at the base of society, within
culture and consciousness. Political leadership does not create this
change; it is generally the last to be affected by it. The movement starts
the snowball rolling in order to create the avalanche, and then
politicians and judges take credit for the very avalanche they are buried
in. Political party programs mean very little; President Nixon spent more
on social programs than President Carter, not because he intended to, but
because there were marches in the streets creating fear within the elite.
The fear of social instability is what causes the elites to shift their
thinking, not petitions from a tamed, loyal opposition.

It is becoming clear that although the U.S. is the undisputed military
superpower, it is declining relative to the growth of the European Union
and East Asian economic blocs.

Its onetime puppet governments in Latin America are being replaced
one-by-one with elected left-leaning governments, or toppled by indigenous
revolts. This process has become nearly as dramatic as the Soviet Union
losing its Eastern European satellite states in a "domino effect" in 1989.
Just as the Roman Empire became militarily overextended, the American
Empire is winning its battles but losing its war to dominate the world
economic and political system. It may not collapse as dramatically as the
Soviet Union, but may end up looking more like Britain - a former imperial
lion now licking its wounds. It is up to us to decide if the collapse of
our empire will continue to be much more violent than the collapse of the
British or Russian empires.

             10. Make changing society part of our lives

Any American working for peace or social change (against great odds) is
invariably asked the same questions: "How do you keep going, despite
discouragements? How do you keep your spirit and emotions up? Isn't it too
much of a sacrifice to get involved?" Personally, I usually have the same
response: I see activism and organizing as a gift that has greatly
enriched my life, and provided an incredible learning experience that I
did not get in school or on the job. I've met fascinating and kind people,
visited beautiful places I would not have otherwise seen, and been
welcomed (and fed!) by communities I would not have otherwise known.

Working for peace and social change is not so much a sacrifice, as a
commitment of time and energy that can have great returns - but only if it
is done right. Doing it right means making social change a part of our
lives - not apart from our lives, or dominating our lives. It means
building a sense of community (respectfully introducing ourselves and
getting to know others), rather than separating ourselves from our
communities. Though it may mean sacrificing our own well-being, it should
not mean sacrificing our families or loved ones - as I have had to be
reminded.

Integrating social change into our lives means working with other of
different ideological factions, rather than trashing people or expecting
them to fit into Marxist or anarchist or Gandhian pegholes. There is a
place in our movement for different ideas, and most people don't care as
much about ideologies as they do about stopping the war. Instead of
battling over tactics, we should constantly be thinking of the society we
want to create, and prefiguring it in our actions. Even the progressive
notion of "justice" implies that someone else holds the power, and we want
him or her to decide matters in a just way. We should start thinking
rather about other people gaining the power to make those decisions.
Grassroots organizations can begin to think of themselves less as pressure
groups to influence government, and more like parallel institutions that
function as the real representatives of our communities. That is the real
meaning of "people power." At the same time as we "tear it down," we can
also begin to build a different community and a better world.

Zoltan Grossman is a faculty member in Geography and Native American
Studies at The Evergreen State College in Olympia, Wash., and a longtime
peace and justice organizer. His website is at
http://academic.evergreen.edu/g/grossmaz or contact grossmaz [at] evergreen.edu


--------11 of 11--------

 When lesser evil
 races greater evil, the
 winner is evil.


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