Progressive Calendar 11.22.15 SANDERS SOCIALISM ISSUE /c
From: David Shove (
Date: Sun, 22 Nov 2015 14:34:35 -0800 (PST)

*1. Harold Meyerson - Bernie Defines Socialism2. F*
*our Takes on Sanders' Democratic Socialism Speech *
*   2a. **Kshama Sawant*

*   2b. Nicole Aschoff   2c. Connor Kilpatrick   2d. Paul Heideman*

*3. Internet sources (updated)*

*--------1 of 3x--------*

*Bernie Defines Socialism*
Harold Meyerson
November 19, 2015
The American Prospect <>

*Evoking Franklin Roosevelt and Martin Luther King Jr., the Vermont senator
bridged the aspirations of New Deal liberalism with the democratic
socialist tradition.*

Democratic presidential candidate Senator Bernie Sanders speaks at
Georgetown University in Washington, Thursday, Nov. 19, 2015., AP
Photo/Carolyn Kaster <>,

During the 1930s, conservatives repeatedly alleged that Franklin Roosevelt
was really a socialist. Today, Bernie Sanders said they were right.

In a long-awaited speech heralded as providing his definition of
“democratic socialism,” the Vermont senator and Democratic presidential
candidate on Thursday afternoon told a packed crowd of Georgetown
University students—most of whom waited hours in a drenching rain to hear
him—that by democratic socialism, he meant the economic and social
principles laid down by FDR, most particularly in his 1944 State of the
Union Address. In that speech, Roosevelt proclaimed that the nation needed
a second, economic bill of rights. Sanders quoted the passage in which
Roosevelt laid out the philosophic basis for such an expansion of rights:
“True individual freedom,” Roosevelt said, “cannot exist without economic
security and independence. Necessitous men are not free men.” The Vermont
senator ran down the list of rights that Roosevelt enumerated: a decent job
at decent pay, time off from work, a decent home, health care, and, for
businesses, “an atmosphere free from unfair competition and domination by

The only other figure Sanders cited as shaping his vision of socialism was
Martin Luther King Jr. (Unlike FDR, King did indeed identify himself a
democratic socialist, as did such other key civil-rights leaders as A.
Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin, and James Farmer. Roosevelt called himself
various things—most commonly a liberal, and once, when asked his
philosophy, responded that he was “a Christian and a Democrat”—but never a
socialist.) King, said Sanders, followed in FDR’s footsteps in proclaiming
the need for economic as well as civil rights.

Getting down to particulars, Sanders continued that democratic socialism
meant creating an economy that works for all, a universal health-care
system based on the principle that health care is a right, free tuition at
public colleges and universities (and higher Pell Grants and lower interest
rates on student loans, which would also make private colleges more
affordable), a governmental commitment to full employment, a living wage
(with a minimum wage of $15), paid family and medical leave, more
progressive taxation, and the automatic voter registration of all Americans
when they turn 18.

As the socialist and social democratic parties throughout the West have
been doing for 70 years, Sanders disavowed what was perhaps the classic
definition of democratic socialism before World War II. “I don’t believe
the government should own the corner drug store or the means of
production,” he said, “but I do believe that the middle class and the
working families who produce the wealth of America deserve a fair deal.”

When Roosevelt was president, of course, socialists did believe that the
government should own many major industries. The Socialist Party leader in
Roosevelt’s time was Norman Thomas, who won almost a million votes in the
1932 election in which Roosevelt ousted Herbert Hoover. By establishing
Social Security, granting workers the right to form unions and bargain
collectively, and employing millions of the unemployed on the projects
(chiefly but not exclusively construction) of the federally funded and
operated Works Progress Administration, however, FDR co-opted a share of
the socialists’ program, causing such longtime pillars of Socialist Party
support as the garment and clothing workers unions to switch their
allegiance to Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. So did most of those who
had voted for Thomas in 1932. Writer Upton Sinclair, a longtime socialist
activist, followed this course to its logical conclusion: He ran and won in
the 1934 Democratic primary for governor of California, though a
red-baiting campaign by the Republicans ensured that he lost the general
election that November.

Beginning in the late 1950s, a number of American democratic socialists
began to argue that they should go into the Democratic Party without
abandoning their ideology. (The total number of American democratic
socialists in the late 1950s, I should add, was almost surely smaller than
the crowd that gathered today in the Georgetown auditorium to
hear Sanders.) That argument received its fullest expression from Michael
Harrington, Thomas’s successor as the leader of socialist movement, who
argued in his 1967 book Toward A Democratic Left, that the presumably
socialist-free American political landscape actually harbored within the
Democratic Party what he termed “a hidden social democracy.” The nation’s
more progressive unions, the civil-rights activists, the middle-class
liberals (then mounting protests against the Vietnam War)—these were the
groups whose European counterparts made up those nations’ social democratic
parties. Accordingly, Harrington concluded, American socialists should
enter—publicly, unashamedly—the Democratic Party, those hidden social
democrats’ political home, where they could work for the kinds of social
changes attainable in everyday politics while also campaigning for a future
of a more democratic economy and society. In 1973, he founded an
organization, the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee (now known as
the Democratic Socialists of America), which did just that. (Full
disclosure: I’m a vice-chair of DSA, though—also full disclosure—I haven’t
been to a DSA meeting in years.)

While in college in the late 1950s and early 190s, Sanders belonged to a
DSA precursor, the Young People’s Socialist League, whose chief activity
was supporting the civil-rights movement. Since then, he has not been a
member of any socialist organization. While DSA urged socialists to work
within the Democratic Party, without forfeiting their right to criticize
the party’s numerous shortcomings, Sanders steered clear of the Democrats
as well. In matters of political affiliation, Bernie isn’t much of a
joiner. Once he got to Congress, however, and then the Senate, he did join
and take an active role in those bodies’ Democratic caucuses.

In a certain sense, what Sanders accomplished today was to signal that the
political space between America progressivism and social democracy—at
least, as he defines them—has shrunk to insignificance. Clearly, this has
not always been the case; it’s taken the dysfunctions of American
capitalism that have accumulated over the past 40 years to push
progressives, and with them, the center of the Democratic Party, to the
left, to within spitting distance of those who call themselves social
democrats, or, in Sanders’s case, democratic socialists. By anointing
Roosevelt to be the father of them all—liberals and socialists
both—Sanders has proclaimed an end to such distinctions. To be sure,
calling for Medicare for All places him more on the social-democratic side
of the ledger, but then, it places Lyndon Johnson there as well.

If Sanders’s surprising success (thus far) in running as a socialist is
partly a function of the widespread recognition of those capitalist
dysfunctions, it’s also in part the result of the collapse of the Soviet
Union. The great American socialist leaders of the 20th century—Eugene
Debs, Thomas, and Harrington—had to make continually clear that their brand
of democratic socialism had nothing in common with Soviet communism and its
totalitarian progeny, which they each articulately condemned. Sanderslabors
under no such handicap: The anti-socialist and anti-liberal leaders who
deliberately conflated Rooseveltian liberalism with Stalinist communism
(the young Richard Nixon was a master at this) were put out of work with
the fall of the Berlin Wall.

As the New Deal programs and policies took root on American soil, some
observers occasionally remarked that the Roosevelt Democrats had carried
out the Thomas socialist platform. Noting the shortcomings of New Deal
liberalism (its alliance with the segregationist South and its failure to
enact universal health care, among other things), Thomas responded by
grumbling, “They carried it out on a stretcher.” Sanders might not contest
that judgment, but in harking back to FDR’s 1944 Economic Bill of Rights,
he has reconciled the most visionary statement of Rooseveltian liberalism’s
aspirations with the democratic socialist tradition—or, more precisely,
claimed it as the foundation of his own socialist beliefs.

A recent CBS/New York Times poll found that 56 percent of Democratic voters
hold a favorable view of socialism—a figure that exceeds Sanders’s own
level of support in that poll by 25 percentage points, which means that a
goodly chunk of Hillary Clinton’s backers hold that view as well. What all
those Democrats mean by socialism is anybody’s guess, but I suspect their
sense of it is close to Sanders’s: An anti-plutocratic and egalitarian
commitment to re-democratize the nation; a belief in economic rights; and a
sense that the boundaries between socialism and liberalism are at minimum
very porous. The cognoscenti might see themselves as the children of Thomas
and Harrington, but most would see themselves as the children of Roosevelt
and King. Sanders’s message to them all is: They’re right.

*Harold Meyerson is the executive editor of The American Prospect and a
columnist for The Washington Post. His email is hmeyerson [at]
<hmeyerson [at]>. Follow @HaroldMeyerson*

*--------2 of x--------*

*Four Takes on Bernie Sanders' Democratic Socialism Speech *
November 21, 2015

Here are four different takes on the speech Bernie Sanders gave on
Democratic Socialism. As Kshama Sawant says, "Such an audience for
socialist ideas has been unprecedented in the U.S. in several generations."

*2a. Kshama Sawant on Bernie Sanders' Democratic Socialism*

Sanders spoke today, November 19, at Georgetown University about democratic
socialism. Kshama Sawant, Seattle's Socialist Alternative City
Councilmember, responds to his message in this video (see transcript below).

Sisters and Brothers,

Socialism is rising.

Just a few minutes ago, Bernie Sanders addressed working people in the
United States to speak about democratic socialism. Hundreds of thousands
will watch it. Such an audience for socialist ideas has been unprecedented
in the U.S. in several generations.

Bernie Sanders is giving voice to the enormous desire for change after a
decade of economic crisis where millions lost their jobs and homes and the
"recovery" has overwhelmingly benefited the 1%. There is deep anger because
the political process has been completely dominated by big corporate
interests; structural racism and sexism remain entrenched; and because no
decisive measures are being taken to address global warming.

Underlying all of this is a diseased and decaying social system - the
failed system of capitalism.

Poll after poll show that people under 30 now support "socialism" and
"capitalism" in roughly equal numbers. And we also see that support for
socialism leads over capitalism by 12 percentage points within Democratic
Party supporters nationally.

But what is socialism?

Socialism is a democratic society based on human need not corporate greed.
A society of social, gender and racial justice. A world where black and
brown lives matter. A world that will have addressed the crisis of climate

How can such a society be achieved?

Take the huge challenge of climate change: 90 companies have caused almost
two thirds of all carbon emissions in human history. All for amassing
limitless profits. Capitalism is destroying the planet.

We need to take these companies into democratic, public ownership in order
to move fully towards renewable energy, and to keep fossil fuels where they
belong - under the ground.

Socialism is about working-class democracy, where the 99% make the key
decisions, instead of Wall Street and their global capitalist casino.

The 500 largest corporations and giant banks that dominate our economy,
control our political system and degrade our environment should be taken
into democratic public ownership. This way, the resources of society could
be used to benefit society as a whole.

The great German socialist, Rosa Luxemburg, posed the alternatives facing
humanity long ago - she said that the future will either be one of
socialism or barbarism.

We see barbarism globally today in many forms. We see it in the development
of the Islamic State and the horrific attacks in Paris and Beirut last
week. We saw it in the barbarous invasion of Iraq by a US government on
behalf of a tiny cartel of rapacious oil companies.

The devastating consequences of the Iraq invasion, as well as the preceding
decades of imperialist policies, are tearing apart the very fabric of
society in the Middle East, fueling the rise of ISIS, and creating the
biggest refugee crisis in world history.

We see the shadow of that barbarism here in the US, with huge poverty next
to exorbitant wealth, and the rise of anti-immigrant, racist policies
emanating from the Republican Party.

We have an alternative to this barbarism. A socialist world.

Bernie said that he supports a coalition of countries to fight ISIS.
However all those governments represent the interests of their local
capitalist ruling classes. As a socialist, I believe we need a movement of
working people, of all nationalities, of all religions or no religion. A
movement in the common interests of working people in the Middle East and
internationally, to challenge both ISIS and Western imperialism, to create
an alternative to the deep humanitarian crisis in the Middle East.

Bernie Sanders spoke today of FDR, the New Deal, and Social Security.

It is no accident that the victories on Social Security in the 1930s and
Medicare and Medicaid in the 1960s took place during times of great,
historic movements of the working class and youth.

In 1935, when Social Security was passed, workers across America were on
strike for a better life. They fought to unionize through sit down strikes.
They took over and occupied their factories, and refused to give them back
until their unions were won and their demands met.

It was these American workers, this radical labor movement, that won Social
Security. Contrary to the popular myth, it was not handed to them by the
benevolence of the ruling elite headed by FDR. In fact, Roosevelt had run
for office in 1932 on a promise of fiscal conservatism - of shrinking
social programs, not expanding them.

The workers movement that won the New Deal was led by socialists.

Similarly, Medicare and Medicaid were won in the context of the radicalized
1960s Civil Rights movement. The battle against segregation, lynchings,
against the grotesque brutality of Jim Crow racism. They were won under the
pressure of the black activists and also of the developing movement against
the war in Vietnam.

Social struggle needs to be combined with building a new political force
for the 99%. Bernie Sanders' campaign, which raised $28 million in the past
three months and has refused corporate donations, shows the potential for
independent working class politics to fight against corporate politics.

Bernie is absolutely correct to call for a federal 15 dollar minimum wage,
single payer health care, free college education, and defeating the power
of  the billionaire class to defend democracy.

*That's why I want Bernie Sanders to win the presidency and defeat the
agenda of the Billionaire class. [ed emphasis]*
But in order to win, Bernie Sanders needs to take on Wall Street and all
those corporations who dominate Hillary Clinton's campaign and the
Democratic Party machine.

To win, Bernie Sanders needs a mass movement from below and an
organization, independent of corporate cash. He needs a mass party of and
for working people.

Let's come together to build such a movement and such a party, against the
Republican right wing and independent of big business, Clintonite Democrats.

This race is not a race between two progressive candidates. Hillary Clinton
served on the Wal Mart board of directors, while Sanders supports the fight
for $15. Hillary Clinton is a hawkish supporter of military intervention
and voted for the Iraq war. Clinton is the candidate of Wall Street and the
Billionaire class.

Clinton does not deserve the support of working people and progressives and
can not be supported by socialists.

*Win or lose, Bernie Sanders' inspiring campaign offers a unique
opportunity to spread socialist ideas to a new generation, to build an
independent mass party of working people, to build a new movement capable
of defeating the stranglehold of Wall Street over our society.We can
organize the fight back against the billionaire class. Join me in this
struggle, join Socialist Alternative.*

*2b-d. The Socialism of Bernie Sanders - Jacobin Magazine*

The novelty of Bernie Sanders has long been his adoption of the term
"democratic socialist" to describe his political beliefs. On the
presidential campaign trail, by way of definition, he's repeatedly pointed
to European countries with relatively robust welfare states.

On Thursday, in a major campaign address, he turned back stateside. Sanders
cast himself not as the heir of Eugene Debs -- a portrait of whom hangs in
his congressional office -- but of Franklin Roosevelt. In short, for
Sanders, democratic socialism means New Deal liberalism.

What should socialists of a more radical bent make of such a definition? To
what extent is the Sanders campaign good for social forces to his left? And
how should we view the foreign policy portion of Sanders's speech, in which
he both criticized US intervention and praised NATO?

*Three Jacobin contributors give their thoughts:*

Nicole Aschoff is the managing editor at Jacobin and the author of The New
Prophets of Capital. Connor Kilpatrick is on the editorial board of
Jacobin. Paul Heideman is a PhD student in the sociology department at New
York University.

*2b. Nicole Aschoff*

Bernie Sanders is obviously the best presidential candidate, but he is a
deeply flawed representative of the Left. Yesterday's speech illustrates

Sanders's Keynes-plus story advocates reining in the big banks, building a
stronger social safety net, and deepening democracy. Fine. No disagreement

But Sanders never mentioned the word capitalism -- a rhetorical maneuver
that sidesteps the systemic basis of inequality and poverty, both in the US
and globally. Instead of the imperatives of class and competition he
decries greed and corruption in a narrative that sits uncomfortably close
to "crony capitalism," the Right's favorite villain.

Sanders says we need to take back our government, to implement laws and
taxes and programs to dilute the privilege of the rich. That's a good
start. But how? FDR's maverick capabilities rested on a foundation of mass
working-class resistance. Sanders likes unions to be sure, but building
working-class institutions isn't a central part of his story.

Working for a wage is a defining feature of our society. It is only by
organizing and gaining control over our work lives that we will build the
collective strength to challenge capital.

Finally, Sanders's geopolitical intervention was predictably awful. He
didn't liken Syrian refugees to rabid dogs like Ben Carson or shout for
more boots on the ground like Hillary Clinton. But his declaration that the
problem of ISIS is primarily a problem of religion that "Muslim nations"
must solve is willfully blind to the hand-in-glove relationship between
capitalism and militarism.

The US has roughly eight hundred military bases globally and a nearly $600
billion annual defense budget that it uses to unrestrainedly pursue its
political and economic interests. With his entreaty to build a bigger,
better NATO and set aside "historic disputes," Sanders fails to challenge
this terrifying reality.

*2c. Connor Kilpatrick*

There was nothing much surprising about Bernie's speech. This was the
democratic socialism not even of Martin Luther King Jr (who nevertheless
got some great shout-outs from Sanders) or Michael Harrington, but of FDR
and LBJ. Which is to say, not "socialism" in recognizable form.

The Sanders definition seems to be "things that the government does that
are good." If this was true, then socialism could exist within any society
at any point in time, even one as rigidly capitalist as ours.

It doesn't help when one of his largest celebrity backers -- Family Guy
creator Seth MacFarlane -- says we could "use a little bit of democratic
socialism," as if he were talking about a few more splashes of hot sauce in
a bowl of chili.

But having our bloated military does not mean that soldiers live under
socialism. The high marginal tax rates and labor union density under
President Eisenhower -- as Sanders likes to point out -- did not make us
socialist. Even the most reactionary capitalist regimes have some degree of
a welfare state. Gen. Pinochet kept Chilean copper mines nationalized even
after he launched a coup in the name of neoliberalism. And the intensely
anticommunist Singapore has one of the world's largest sovereign wealth
funds. It does not make it a socialist society in the slightest.

But at the same time -- frustrating as it may be -- the popular association
of socialism with Scandinavian social democracy rather than "the country
with all the gulags that doesn't exist anymore" is a far better starting
point for a renewed anticapitalist politics.

We need to accept how much ground has been lost. Today, just 6.6 percent of
private-sector workers belong to a union, and the Supreme Court is only a
few months away from launching an all-out war on public-sector unionism. In
many ways, the US left suffered a fatal wound in the late 1940s, before
finally collapsing in the 1970s. Bernie's welfare-state liberalism is
radical in today's political context.

So is it important that Sanders even bothers to use the s-word at all? I
think so.

Standing on a national stage and using that term implies that there is a
radically egalitarian force that is in opposition and even hostile to
capitalism -- even if in his particularly strained definition that means
that socialism is already here in the form of the US Post Office (and
simply on the ropes). Sanders still implies a conflict between the two --
not a corporatist harmony.

It's that definition that we can use. While Sanders thankfully raises the
specter of class conflict, it's up to actual socialist activists to define
a possible world on the other side of that conflict -- to get a little

In May, Americans were asked whether they had a favorable opinion of
socialism and capitalism. Democrats were split evenly: 43 versus 43
percent. In October, YouGov ran the poll again. This time, 49 percent said
they viewed socialism positively, versus 37 percent for capitalism -- a
remarkable shift in just five months. I think it's safe to say that that is
entirely the work of the Sanders campaign.

If a not-very-politicized liberal was to ask me "what's socialism?" I'd
probably go with Richard Wolff's definition and say that it means
democratically deciding who makes what, how that's organized, and what we
do with the surplus. It knocks down the wall that liberalism erected
hundreds of years ago between politics and the economy. And it means a
world beyond class society.

But hey, "more welfare state-ism, less billionaire-ism"? We can work with

*4. Paul Heideman*

As with so much of Bernie Sanders's campaign, his speech defining
democratic socialism offered much for American socialists to cheer, and
much that could only be greeted with puzzlement, or even disgust.

At the core of the speech was Sanders's argument that his version of
democratic socialism is a twenty-first century updating of Franklin
Roosevelt's New Deal. As Sanders pointed out, all of the elements of the
New Deal that most Americans take for granted today -- social security,
minimum-wage laws, collective bargaining -- were initially condemned as
"socialism." Sanders could certainly do worse in terms of inspiration than
Roosevelt, who, when asked about business opposition to the New Deal,
answered, "I welcome their hatred."

Sanders's updates to the New Deal can only be welcomed by socialists today.
He calls for single-payer health care, free public college, and taxing the
rich. While none of these would make the US socialist, they would bring
about a massive increase in the dismal standard of living of American

Rhetorically, the speech had some nice bits as well. Sanders declared
unabashedly that the US has a ruling class, and that progressive change can
only come through confronting it. It was, as so often is the case with
Sanders, both gratifying and a little strange to hear from a leading
presidential contender.

Yet this message also reveals some of the limitations of Sanders's
"political revolution." FDR, after all, did not come into office promising
the "four freedoms" Sanders has celebrated, but rather a balanced budget.
It was only in the face of the growing wave of class struggle in the United
States that FDR himself began to embrace more reformist policies, and that
a section of the American ruling class could be persuaded that such reforms
were necessary to placate that struggle.

This is the contradiction at the heart of Sanders's campaign: while he
calls for reforms that no socialist could oppose, his talk of political
revolution falls woefully short of the kinds of struggles needed to win
those reforms. There is also little evidence at this point that his
campaign is providing a spur to those kinds of struggles.

Sanders's talk of revitalizing democracy in American becomes even less
convincing when his foreign policy enters the picture. In his speech,
Sanders attacked previous US interventions, from the invasion of Iraq to
American backing of coups in countries like Guatemala and Iran. Yet his
proposed alternatives made it unclear on what grounds he objected to such

In contrast to George W. Bush's unilateral adventure in Iraq, Sanders
harkened back to the establishment of the NATO alliance after World War II.
But NATO was hardly a force for democracy. The US maintained support for
the brutal Greek junta of 1967-74 because of Greece's place in NATO. In
Italy, NATO agents helped maintain far-right paramilitary networks linked
to the reactionary terrorism attacks of the late 1960s and early 1970s.

The suggestions for current foreign policy were not much more encouraging.
Sanders lauded King Abdullah II of Jordan (it is never a good look for a
socialist to praise a monarch) for his role in the fight against ISIS. Yet
Jordan, like most American allies in the Middle East, is a highly
repressive country, where criticizing the king entitles someone to three
years of imprisonment in the country's notoriously torture-filled jails.

While Sanders is willing to criticize many of the most egregious
over-extensions of American empire, it seems he has no interest in
contesting the American suppression of democracy across the globe. And this
cannot but undermine the struggle for democracy and freedom at home.

Sanders is certainly correct that achieving his reforms will require a
political revolution. But it will have to be one that embraces a far more
encompassing vision of democracy than he himself has.

*--------3 of x--------*

*                      INTERNET left news and views, video and audio. FREE.*
                                       * New listing as of  november 22
  Tired of  the the same old corporate news, ads and omissions? Of time
wasted  on Charley Rose or the PBS NewsHour?   Well, you can say “forget
you”to them forever -  if you have access to the internet.
  Below are some free regularly scheduled left internet shows. Tthere are
many more ad hoc ones available by indivudual speaker or topic which you
can get by a little creative google-ing. (Google has the best most complete
search engine)

INTERNET left news and views, video and audio; archived, free

                                                        *   I  DAILY (M-F) *

DEMOCRACY NOW  Amy Goodman. Live morning 7-8am M-F video, audio. Archived,
                             See democracy now on google.       [also on
AM950  2-3 pm, no ads]

THOM HARTMANN  “The Big Picture” Live each eve M-F. Hour. Archived, free.
News, interviews.
                            [Interviews with Richard Wolff,  Naomi Klein,
              [More compact than the 3 hour ad-filled Hartmann talk show on
AM950 11am-2pm]

BLACK AGENDA REPORT. Glen Ford. 5 minutes. Most days. Audio, print.
Analysis. Archived, free.

                                                              *   II WEEKLY*

LAURA FLANDERS show. Video. Hour. New Monday. News. Interviews. Archived,
                                    [A strong gutsy woman; you’ll like her]

RICHARD WOLFF  “Economic Update´ Audio. Hour.New late Sunday. News,
analysis. see
                  lists all his events, most recent
first, video, audio, print.

COUNTERSPIN. Janine Jackson. Audio. 30 minutes. New Thursday. News,
interviews. Archived, free.
                                     Sponsored by FAIR – Fairness &
Accuracy In Reporting

                                                        *         III

RICHARD WOLFF. “Global Capitalism” Video. Filmed second Wednesday eve,
available the next day.
                            Usually about 2 hours long. Analysis. See

*                                                               IV
Bernie Sanders gives lots of speeches to big audiences; and most of them
are videoed and free on the internet within a day or two. Given the fact
that the corporate media, the DLC, and wealthy pundits try to pretend
Bernie does not exist, it is important to see him directly at every chance.
The internet is full of Bernie speeches. Watch them. Tell the billionaires
Enough is enough

And, here are writers/speakers/thinkers worth looking up on the Google
line, all with audio and/or video.

Alperovitz Gar
Bacevich Andrew
Chomsky Noam
Domhoff G William
Ewen Stuart
Flanders Laura
Foster John Bellamy
Frank Thomas
Greenwald Glenn
Hartman Thom
Harvey David
Hedges Chris
Jensen Derrick
Johnson Chalmers
Klein Naomi
Korten David C
Le Feber Walter
McChesney Robert
McGovern Ray
McMurtry John
Moore Michael
Moyers Bill
Nader Ralph
Palast Greg
Parenti Michael
Phillips Kevin [intelligent conservative]
Ruppert Michael C
Sanders Bernie
Stone Oliver
Vidal Gore
Wallerstein Immanuel
Wolf Naomi
Wolff Richard
Wolin Sheldon
Zinn Howard
And there are many more.

And, for *print on onlne,* see Common Dreams (quick review), Dissident
Voice (opinion),   CounterPunch (opinion), Monthly Review (longer Marxist
essays). And there are many more….


                                                          Shove Grove
  • (no other messages in thread)

Results generated by Tiger Technologies Web hosting using MHonArc.